Showing posts with label avodah zarah. Show all posts
Showing posts with label avodah zarah. Show all posts

Friday, March 16, 2018

Avoda Zara 60b: Falling into a vat

This is inyanei de-yoma, since this appears in today's daf, and since tomorrow is St. Patrick's Day. :)

In today's daf, we have the following:

נפל לבור ועלה: אמר רב פפא לא שנו אלא שעלה מת אבל עלה חי אסור מ"ט אמר רב פפא דדמי עליה כיום אידם: 
§ The mishna teaches that if a gentile fell into the wine collection vat and emerged, it is not prohibited to derive benefit from the wine. Rav Pappa says:The Sages taught this halakha only in a case where the gentile emerged from the vat dead. But if he emerged alive, the wine is prohibited. The Gemara asks: What is the reason that the wine is prohibited? Rav Pappa said: Sincethe gentile was rescued from death, he considers that day like their festival day, and he offers the wine as an idolatrous libation in thanksgiving.

Rashi explains Rav Pappa's reasoning as follows:

דדמי עליה כיום אידם - ואזיל ומודה על שניצל ומסתמא נסכיה בעלייתו ואסור בהנאה
That is, since he was saved, he will thank his deity, and therefore as he is pulled out of the cistern containing the wine, he will presumably libate some of the wine.

I would suggest another possibility, that since he lives, he was happy to be in the wine cistern, since he gets to enjoy the wine! And his thrashing around in there is shichshuch of someone who having a festival day.

Talking about Yom Eidem, festival days, tomorrow is St. Patrick's Day. And this story is just on point:

Old man O'Malley had worked down at the brewery for years, but one day he just wasn't paying attention and he tripped on the walkway and fell over into the beer vat and drowned. The foreman thought it should be his job to inform the Widow O'Malley of her old man's death. He showed up at the front door and rang the bell. When she came to the door, he said, "I'm sorry to tell you, but your poor husband passed away at work today when he fell into the vat and drowned." She wept and covered her face with her apron and after a time, between sobs, she asked, "Tell me, did he suffer?" "Knowing Brian O'Malley as well as I did, I don't think so," said the foreman, "He got out three times to go to the men's room."

Thursday, September 14, 2017

Sanhedrin 60: throwing stones at Markulis

In today's daf (Sanhedrin 60), in the Mishnah, we see kissing and hugging as a form of idol worship, and throwing stones at Mercury as a form of idol worship.
There is a famous Ibn Ezra on Daniel (link) that speaks of Muslim practice. He writes, in part:
"ויש לתמוה מחכמי צדוקים שפירשו זה לעתיד, ואמרו: כי המקדש היא מיכ"א שיחוגו עליה הישמעאלים והסירו התמיד, החמש תפילות ונתנו השיקוץ עכו"ם ואלו התועים, איך יתכן שיקרא מקדש רק ירושלים לבדה, וככה שמה בלשון ישמעאל בית ואיך הוא מיכ"א קדש, והלא פקחו אלה העורים את עיניהם וראו כי יש במיכ"א שיקוץ עד היום והלא מרקוליס שאליו יחוגו כל ישמעאל ממזרח וממערב לזרוק אבנים שם, ואלה המפרשים חללו המקדש.
...
ועוד: אם היה אלה עכו"ם אין תשובה ממרקוליס, כי זה ידעוהו אבותיו ולא סרו אנשי מיכ"א למשמעתו, עד שנשבע להם שלא יסיר עבודת מרקוליס, ואין צורך להאריך."
"One is surprised by Sadducee sages who interpreted this as referring to the future. They said that the sanctuary is Mecca, around which the Ishmaelites circle. and they put aside the daily sacrifice the five prayers (the Salat). and they set up the abomination, idolatry. And they are the mistaken. As is it may be that miqdash/sanctuary refers to Jerusalem alone. Thus it is that in the Ishmaelite language its name is “house”(al-ka’aba). And how is it that Mecca is sacred? Didn’t those blind ones open their eyes and see that in Mecca there is an abomination to this day? Is it not Mercury, around which all Ishmaelites, from east and west, circle to throw stones? And these interpreters have desecrated the sanctuary.
...
And further, if it was a pagan god, the answer is not Mercury, because his fathers knew him and the men of Mecca did not turn to obedience to him till he swore to them that he would not put aside the service to Mercury. And there is no need to expand."
Ibn Ezra is referring to the stoning of the devil (link):
"The Stoning of the Devil (Arabic: رمي الجمرات‎‎ ramī al-jamarāt, lit. "stoning of the jamarāt [place of pebbles]")[1][2][3] is part of the annual Islamic Hajj pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia. During the ritual, Muslim pilgrims throw pebbles at three walls (formerly pillars), called jamarāt, in the city of Mina just east of Mecca. It is one of a series of ritual acts that must be performed in the Hajj. It is a symbolic reenactment of Abraham's hajj, where he stoned three pillars representing the temptation to disobey God and preserve Ishmael."
One could also add the kissing worship of the black stone, (link):
"Muslim pilgrims circle the Kaaba as a part of the tawaf ritual during the hajj and many try to stop and kiss the Black Stone, emulating the kiss that Islamic tradition records that it received from Muhammad."

Monday, September 26, 2011

Is Pikei'ach Nefesh docheh Shabbos?

Summary: No, that is not a typo in the title.

Post: I discovered a hilarious midrash, brought down and discussed by Emek Halacha (HaMidrash veHaMaaseh), R' Yeshaya Yosef Margolin.
In Midrash Rabba (in this siman):
'A halacha, one who has troubles with his ears, what of healing it on Shabbat? So taught the Sages: Pikuach nefesh docheh Shabbat.'
This Midrash is entirely surprising. For if it is dealing with a sickness which has danger {sakanah}, have we not until this point heard that pikuach nefesh is docheh Shabbos? Is it not explicit in the Mishnah at the end of Yoma as well as in several braytot. And if it is danger only to limb, which appears to be the simple implication of the language 'One who is choshesh in his ears', behold in truth we do not violate a Biblical prohibition, as is stated in Maggid Mishnah, perek 2 of Hilchot Shabbat, and in Bet Yosef siman 328. And either which way, it requires explication, for what reason Chadal leaned this question of theirs in the midrash upon one who was choshesh in his ears specifically, and later on in our words it shall be explained."

Read on in Emek Halachah if you are interested in his resolution. I did not read it all the way.

But the midrash is extremely funny, as stated, though I am not certain that this is on purpose. As I would read it, there is an implicit al tikrei here. Read not פקוח but rather פקיח. A pikei'ach is one who has functioning hearing, as opposed to an ilem or a cheresh, a mute or a deaf-mute. Thus, pikuach nefesh, making certain that the nefesh remains a pikeach, is docheh Shabbos.

Perhaps. That was my first instinct when seeing the midrash. It turns out that this drasha was all in my mind. For it seems that the midrash was not quoted accurately. As it appears at Daat's Midrash Rabba:
הלכה:
אדם מישראל שהיה חושש באזנו, מהו שיהא מותר לרפאותו בשבת? 
כך שנו חכמים:

כל שספק נפשות דוחה את השבת וזו מכת האוזן אם סכנה היא, מרפאים אותה בשבת. 
רבנן אמרי:
מבקש אתה שלא לחוש באזניך ולא אחד מאיבריך, הטה אזנך לתורה ואת נוחל חיים.

מנין? 
שנאמר: (ישעי' נה) הטו אזנכם ולכו אלי שמעו ותחי נפשכם. 
This does not specifically mention pikuach nefesh, but rather safek nefashot, and if this affliction of the ear rises to the level of sakanah, then it is docheh Shabbos. (And if it does not, is the implication, then it is not docheh Shabbos.)

Why mention specifically the ear here, as opposed to any other ever? Not for any halachic implication or effect, as it seems Emek Halachah is going to take it. Rather, this is Midrash Rabbah, which is a non-halachic midrashic work. It is midrash aggadah. But it uses the halacha as a jumping-off point for it homiletic teaching, of inclining one's ears to Torah, such that one will inherit life, etc.

And so, no other ever would have been appropriate to mention in context, even though of course those other eivarim would have the same halacha. And the purpose is not to teach the halacha, which of course everyone already know -- it is so, so basic. It is to spin off from their into the homiletic material.

Whether the midrash was discussing sakanas eiver or sakanas nefesh is perhaps ambiguous, and can be discussed and resolved. But that was surely not the point of the midrash.

A gemara that speaks of healing ears on Shabbos is Avodah Zarah 28b:
Said Raba b. Zutra in the name of R. Hanina: It is permissible to restore the ear into its proper position on the Sabbath. Whereon R. Samuel b. Judah commented: Only with the hand, but not by applying medicines. Some report: By applying medicine, but not with the hand, the reason being that it causes soreness.

Wednesday, November 24, 2010

Alexander the Great, the Ball on the Plate, and the Snake around the Threshing Floor

Summary: The Greek Alexander Romance, by Pseudo-Callisthenes, sheds light on a famous Yerushalmi, about Alexander ascending to the heavens and seeing the world like a ball and the sea like a plate. (See previous posts one and two.)

Post: There is a famous Yerushalmi which has been interpreted in different ways. This Yerushalmi is a source for Chazal knowing that the earth is a sphere.

The Yerushalmi (Avodah Zarah 18b) reads: 
   וחכמים אומרים אינו אסור אלא כל שיש בידו מקל או ציפור או כדור.  מקל שהיה רודה בו את העולם.  ציפור ותמצא בקן ידי לחיל העמים.  כדור שהעולם עשוי ככדור. א"ר יונה אלכסנדרוס מוקדון כד בעא מיסק לעיל והוה סלק וסלק סלק עד שראה  את העולם ככדור ואת הים כקערה בגין כן ציירין לה בכדורא בידה. ויצורינה קערה בידה

This, modifying the Mishna on the previous amud that:
דף יח, א פרק ג הלכה א משנה  כל הצלמים אסורין מפני שהן נעבדין פעם אחת בשנה דברי רבי מאיר וחכמים אומרים אין אסור אלא כל שיש בידו מקל או צפור או כדור רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר כל שיש בידו כל דבר:

Thus, this is being used to illustrate the idea that the World is round like a ball, and thus if you see a statue with a ball in hand, it is a sign of dominion of the World. Alexander the Macedonian, when he ascended on high, saw the World like a ball and the Sea like a plate.

Already, Pnei Moshe (the Vilna Gaon's teacher) recognizes that there is an explicit parallel in Greek books of history or legend, and so he expands the Yerushalmi to add that Alexander ascended via griffin

I've been trying to trace down this Greek legend in the original in order to see what sorts of insights it might lend in terms of understanding the Yerushalmi. In the previous post, I found it in "The Wars of Alexander, An Alliterative Romance", written in Middle English and translated from Historia Alexandi Magni.

But that was a late version of it. Better would be to see it in the earliest known version, in the Greek Alexander Romance, by Pseudo-Callisthenes. I found a copy of this on Amazon, in translation by Richard Stoneman. And indeed, this work may well give us some great insights into the Yerushalmi.

Here is the relevant passage, from a first-person perspective by Alexander the Great:


Thus, he uses this mechanism of harnessing birds to lift himself high into the air. An angel tells him that he has not yet secured the whole earth, such that he should explore the heavens. Alexander, at the angel's direction, looks down and sees the World -- meaning Middle Earth, meaning the land where people live -- as a tiny circle like a threshing floor. (This was what in the later accounting, in Middle English, in The Wars of Alexander, An Alliterative Romance, became a mill-stone.) Around that land was the Sea, entirely surrounding it. Thus, the Sea looked like a snake coiled around the land.

Furthermore, Alexander is commanded to point his spear at the land in the center. This clearly, and explicitly, represents Alexander's dominion of the world.

Comparing to the Yerushalmi, we don't really need to say that "the world is round like a ball" necessarily means that it is a sphere. Both a ball and a plate (or discus) are round. Imagine you have a ball sitting on a plate, and you look at it from above. It will look like a smaller circle inscribed inside a slightly bigger circle.


Maybe the blue, representing the Sea, would be much thinner, but this is the general gist, if we really want to make the two stories accord with one another. And we should want to make them accord, given all the parallels. (Though I will suggest another reading at the end.)

Note also that Chazal did not make up this idea of this representing dominion, and aren't just randomly bringing in a Greek legend for support. This idea of dominion is stated in the Yerushalmi to explain the position of the Chachamim but, as I noted above, the idea of dominion over the entire earth is explicit within the original Greek legend.

Now, aside from this, we might be tempted to view a statue holding a ball (or a plate-discus) as showing sport, as a plaything rather than as anything representing dominion. However, it is Pseudo-Callisthenes to the rescue once again!

There is an exchange, by letter, between King Daryavesh (Darius) and Alexander. Darius sends Alexander a whip, a ball, and a chest of gold, in order to mock him. The whip and ball, in order to show that he should still be at play and that he can play with his contemporaries, and the chest of gold to feed his fellow bandits so that they can all return to their own countries:



Alexander takes offense, but reinterprets each of these these as positive omens for himself:


He will flay the barbarians with the whip. The ball represents that he will be ruler of the world, for the world is spherical like a ball, and the chest of gold is a sign that Darius will pay him tribute.

If so, we see that the Greeks themselves regarded the ball as having this dual significance -- one, as a plaything, and two, as a sign of dominion, as representing the world. The Chachamim, then, in seeing this as a sign of dominion and representing the world, have their fingers on the pulse of the beliefs of the Greeks, and perhaps of the idolaters in general.

But also see that even in Pseudo-Callisthenes, they state that the world is spherical like a ball, and that a ball is a sign of dominion. We could then return to the Yerushalmi and consider it in another way -- that Rabbi Yona is rewriting the Greek legend (or maybe relying on a different, earlier version?) in which the ball, rather than a mill-stone or round-threshing floor, is chosen deliberately. This because of the spherical nature of the world, which the Greeks clearly knew, combined with the view of the Chachomim that a statue holding a ball is problematic.

If so, the World like a Ball does not necessarily mean that it is round like circle, as above, but that it is round like a sphere. This messes up the imagery we find in the Greek legend, for there is now no snake coiled around it. What is the plate supposed to represent? How do we superimpose the ball on the plate, or the plate on the ball? Where is the sea within this world?

On a previous post, Hillel suggested the following:
R' Waxman,
Are you certain the Yerushalmi says Alexander saw the world as a ball, rather than the universe (or, technically, the firmament)? I don't really understand how one could visualize the world as a ball floating in the sea. However, the firmament idea would work well the the "solid dome" idea of Babylonian cosmology that R' Slifkin writes about. That is, the seas are a flat plate (which Hashem covers in part with land) in the center of a solid sphere (or hemisphere) containing the heavens, sun moon, stars, etc.

But if this is the case (and that's a big if), the Yerushalmi would appear to be suggesting that Alexander raised himself "me'al laraki'a" - a position traditionally reserved only for Hashem and ministering angels! So perhaps the Yerushalmi is not just saying Alexander had magic pets, but rather that he had special skills and/or favor from Hashem.

Whaddaya think?
It is an interesting idea, and has more merit than I thought initially. It would explain how this plate and ball work together. And in terms of me'al larakia, we can point out that in the original, by Pseudo-Callisthenes, he actually did ascend there, such that he met an angel! Yet, I don't like the use of Yam to mean both Sea and Land within the Sea. And there is no indication that this was past the firmament, which would presumably be solid and impenetrable. I would rather revert entirely to the meaning as in the Greek legend, and consider it circle (plate) and inscribed smaller circle (ball). Or, that the legend as related by Rabbi Yona meant that (inscribed smaller circle), while the application of that legend by the gemara took the ball to mean sphere.

There are other possibilities I haven't even dreamed of yet. For example, Rabbi Slifkin (in private correspondence) suggested something akin to Hillel's suggestion, namely that it is an image of a hemisphere on top of a larger flat ocean. To expand upon this, this would account for the third dimension of the ball, the sphere in the middle of the plate.

I would also caution against taking this gemara as absolute confirmation that Chazal were Round-Earthers. Firstly, this Yerushalmi might well be simply speaking of the Greek conception of the world, which would have an impact on the sort of statues the Greeks and others would make. Meanwhile, Chazal's conception of the Universe might be something else entirely (as Rabbi Slifkin has pointed out).

Furthermore, I think it is a mistake to simply assume that Chazal were monolithic in their views. On a number of other occasions, I have seen that this is simply not the case. In this particular instance, there is the gemara in Chagiga which seems pretty clearly to indicate a Flat-Earth model. I understand the temptation to point to this particular gemara -- with one particular interpretation -- to "vindicate" Chazal, and demonstrate that they were right. And then, to preserve Chazal's state of vindication, declare any contrary gemara, such as the one in Chagiga, allegorical. But in pursuit of the truth, I would take a more conservative approach and say that at most, it indicates what the Amoraim of Eretz Yisrael, with their own particular intellectual and cultural inputs, believed about the Universe. Then, take other gemaras on their own terms, and consider that they very well might represent a contrary position.

Update: See this image of the World as Conceived by the Babylonians, and compare to the ball on the plate idea.

Monday, October 04, 2010

Demons on the ark, and the Kotzker's famous elu ve'elu

Summary: Rashi and Chazal against Rambam. The Kotzker resolves this by having the Rambam effectively pasken demons out of existence. But does this work for a rationalist? Does it work with the words of the Rambam? Doesn't it go against a Mishnah?

Post: According to Rashi, sheidim were taken on the teivah. How so?

19. And of all living things of all flesh, two of each you shall bring into the ark to preserve alive with you; they shall be male and female.יט. וּמִכָּל הָחַי מִכָּל בָּשָׂר שְׁנַיִם מִכֹּל תָּבִיא אֶל הַתֵּבָה לְהַחֲיֹת אִתָּךְ זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה יִהְיוּ:
And of all living things: Even demons. — [Gen. Rabbah 31:13]ומכל החי: אפילו שדים:

This based on the midrash in Bereishit Rabba:
ומכל החי מכל בשר שנים וגו אמר רבי הושעיא:אפי' רוחות נכנסים עם נח אל התיבה, שנאמר: מכל החימאותן שנבראו להם נפשות ולא נברא להם גופין. 

The basis for this derasha is clearly laid out. Mikol is inclusive of something, and hachai implies that this inclusive element has an aspect of chai. This would be something with a nefesh but not a guf. This would be ruchot, spirits. The standard meforshim on the side assume this means sheidim, and point us to another midrash that the creation of sheidim was incomplete, as they were created just before Shabbat. I am not so convinced they are the same thing, but Rashi does seem to regard them as the same.

The Rambam rejects the idea of literal sheidim, as demons. He takes them allegorically, or else perhaps in other instances dismisses them as a daas yachid. Thus, in his Moreh Nevuchim, he writes:
As regards the words, "the form of Adam, and his likeness," we have already stated (ch. i.) their meaning. Those sons of Adam who were born before that time were not human in the true sense of the word, they had not "the form of man." With reference to Seth who had been instructed, enlightened and brought to human perfection, it could rightly be said, "he (Adam) begat a son in his likeness, in his form." It is acknowledged that a man who does not possess this "form" (the nature of which has just been explained) is not human, but a mere animal in human shape and form. Yet such a creature has the power of causing harm and injury, a power which does not belong to other creatures. For those gifts of intelligence and judgment with which he has been endowed for the purpose of acquiring perfection, but which he has failed to apply to their proper aim, are used by him for wicked and mischievous ends; he begets evil things, as though he merely resembled man, or simulated his outward appearance. Such was the condition of those sons of Adam who preceded Seth. In reference to this subject the Midrash says: "During the 130 years when Adam was under rebuke he begat spirits," i.e., demons; when, however, he was again restored to divine favour "he begat in his likeness, in his form." This is the sense of the passage, "Adam lived one hundred and thirty years, and he begat in his likeness, in his form" (Gen. v. 3).
Thus, they did mean something by it, but Chazal did not mean literal demons in that midrash regarding what Adam begat.

Elsewhere, Rambam says that sheidim are non-existent, and that one should not believe in them. One such place is in his perush haMishnayot to Avodah Zarah 4:7. The Mishna:

Or, in English:
 THE ELDERS IN ROME WERE ASKED, 'IF [YOUR GOD] HAS NO DESIRE FOR IDOLATRY, WHY DOES HE NOT ABOLISH IT?' THEY REPLIED, 'IF IT WAS SOMETHING UNNECESSARY TO THE WORLD THAT WAS WORSHIPPED, HE WOULD ABOLISH IT; BUT PEOPLE WORSHIP THE SUN, MOON, STARS AND PLANETS; SHOULD HE DESTROY HIS UNIVERSE ON ACCOUNT OF FOOLS!' THEY SAID [TO THE ELDERS], 'IF SO, HE SHOULD DESTROY WHAT IS UNNECESSARY FOR THE WORLD AND LEAVE WHAT IS NECESSARY FOR THE WORLD!' THEY REPLIED, '[IF HE DID THAT], WE SHOULD MERELY BE STRENGTHENING THE HANDS OF THE WORSHIPPERS OF THESE, BECAUSE THEY WOULD SAY, "BE SURE THAT THESE ARE DEITIES, FOR BEHOLD THEY HAVE NOT BEEN ABOLISHED!"'
The Rambam comments:

Note the part I underlined in red. Thus, he considers sheidim to be non-existence, and nonsense and falsehood. One should not think that they exist but just that they are forbidden to be worshiped or paid heed to.

There then seems to be a conflict between this Rashi and Chazal, on the one hand, and the Rambam, on the other hand.

Perhaps Rambam would simply make this midrash into an allegory as well. I don't see how one could do this, though. The midrash is rather explicit in its derivation and that what is being inclusive is something with spirit but no physical body. This would not include evildoers. Plus, if Hashem's purpose was to destroy the world, what sense is there for Hashem to command the bringing of evildoers as well into the ark? Maybe we could say this is a reference to Cham? Even so, it doesn't work out because of the former part.

My guess is that Rambam would label this position of Rabbi Hoshaya in the midrash to be a daas yachid, and point out that there is an alternate derivation (as far as I, Josh, read it) that וּמִכָּל הָחַי refers to taking the whelps, rather than the adults, of the re'em. Or else that he would offer a different allegorical explanation of this particular midrash. Or that he would distinguish between ruchot and shedim. Or that he was unaware of this particular midrash, or didn't set his mind to resolving every single one.

There is a rather famous harmonization offered by the Kotzker Rebbe, which I saw quoted in Prachei Rashi:

שאל אחד את רבי מנדל מקוצק: הרמב״ם במורה נבוכים כופר
במציאות שדים וכשפים, ואלו בתורה כתוב ״ולא יזבחו עוד את זבחיהם
לשעירים״? גם כיצד יתיישבו דברי רש״י, שנח נצטוה מפי הגבורה להביא
שדים אל התיבה? ענה הרבי מקוצק, אלה ואלה דברי אמת: בימי קדם
היו שדים וכשפים בנמצא, אך מיום שבא הרמב״ם ואמר שאינם בנמצא,
הרי הרמב״ם פוסק הוא והסכימו עמו גם בשמים, וקימו את דבריו הלכה
למעשה וחדלו שדים מן הארץ.

"Someone asked Rabbi Mendel of Kotzk: The Rambam in Moreh Nevuchim denies the existence of demons and magic, yet in the Torah is is written 'and they shall no longer offer their sacrifices to seirim?' Also, how can the words of Rashi be resolved, that Noach was commanded from the Mouth of the Omnipotent to bring demons to the ark? The Rabbi of Kotzk replied, 'This as that are simultaneously true. In days of old, demons and magic existed. But, from the time that Rambam came and said that they did not exist, behold, Rambam is a posek, and they agreed to him as well in Heaven, and established his words halacha leMaaseh such that demons vanished from the earth."

I don't know that this really resolves anything, even though it is both cute and seemingly a way to say eilu veEilu for the rationalist and mystical approach. The problem with this, to my mind, is that Rambam in Moreh Nevuchim and elsewhere did not merely take a position on the present existence of demons, but on the existence of demons in the past as well. Read carefully his comments in peirush haMishnayot and seems rather clear that he maintains that they never existed, and that it is silly to believe otherwise. That this was Avraham Avinu's argument, that these forces didn't exist.

That Rambam interprets midrashim referring to demons allegorically demonstrates that he maintains that even in the days of Chazal, and in the days of Adam, demons did not literally exist.

What would Rambam do with the pasuk about worshiping the seirim? He would say that they worshiped the non-existent seirim, and that one should not take this pasuk to mean that they exist but it is merely forbidden to worship them. He says this explicitly, above. He cites the chasidim mibnei dateinu who hold this belief, and says that they are wrong. We also saw that Rambam interpreted midrashim referring to demons and spirits allegorically. So in answer to how to resolve it, one should adopt one of the above approaches. Namely, daat yachid, allegory, or in some instances reference to things which don't even exist.

As a result, not only would Rambam be unhappy with this non-rationalist harmonization of his position -- how rationalist is it to "pasken" demons out of existence? -- but this doesn't even make Rambam's words true. For Rambam did not just deny the existence of present demons, but of demons in the past, pre-Rambam, as well. How could we say, then, that אלה ואלה דברי אמת?

I would add one somewhat humorous point to this. If sheidim are seirim and were worshiped, then the Mishna in Avodah Zarah above would seem to argue against the possibility of their ceasing to exist, and disappearing in a puff of Maimonidean logic. For the zekeinim in Rome explained why some existing gods (or entities worshiped as gods) couldn't suddenly disappear.

:-)

Monday, April 19, 2010

The puzzling Chasam Sofer on womb temperature

Before the Midrash Talpiyos, with a different number of teeth for Jews and gentiles, there was the Chasam Sofer, who also claimed physical difference between Jews and non-Jews, such that what doctors said would not necessarily apply to Jews. This was based on a gemara in Niddah daf 34b, and in Shabbos 86b. In this post, I would like to consider this gemara and whether it really says what is attributed to it. After that, perhaps we should consider repercussions in modern times.

The gemara in Shabbat 86b reads:

בעי רב פפא שכבת זרע של ישראל במעי כותית מהו ישראל דדאיגי במצות חביל גופייהו עכו"ם דלא דאיגי במצות לא או דילמא כיון דאכלין שקצים ורמשים חביל גופייהו ואם תמצי לומר כיון דאכלי שקצים ורמשים חביל גופייהו במעי בהמה מהו אשה (היא) דאית לה פרוזדור מסרחת אבל בהמה דלית לה פרוזדור לא או דילמא ל"ש תיקו

The topic is poletes shichvas zera, and the tuma which might arise from the semen. Is it still viable after a certain number of days. There is an argument among Tanaaim about it, and then Rav Pappa asks a question, the sides of which the gemara explores. Thus:

R. Papa asked: What of an Israelite's semen within a Cuthean woman? [Do we say,] Because Israelites are anxious about [the observance of] precepts, their bodies are heated, but not so Gentiles, who are not anxious about precepts; or perhaps, as they eat creeping crawling things, their bodies [too] are heated? Now should you say, as they eat creeping crawling things their bodies are heated, what of [semen] within an animal? [Do we say.] A woman, who has a fore-uterus, causes it to become foul, but not so an animal, who has no fore-uterus; or perhaps there is no difference? The questions stands over.
It thus ends in a teiku. As I hinted in my quick summary above, I would distinguish between the question of the named Amora, Rav Pappa, and the elaboration given by the gemara, which might well be the setama digemara as opposed to Rav Pappa's own words. This because this is commonly the case, as well as on the basis of a seeming difference in language. That is, the word shel in שכבת זרע של ישראל במעי כותית מהו appears to be Hebrew, while the rest of the exploration is clearly in Aramaic. Similarly, במעי בהמה מהו. Rav Pappa might have originally asked the question, and the gemara expanded upon it. 


If so, perhaps one could cast Rav Papa's question as one in ritual law, that it is the act of a Jewish person being polet it that imbues it with ritual impurity. Thus, the semen of an Israelite conveys impurity but not that of a non-Israelite. Do we go after the gavra who is being polet it, in this case the woman or beast, in which case  it would not be impure. Or, do we go after the cheftza, which is the semen, which originated from an Israelite man? Another way of looking at it -- does it matter who was polet it originally, or subsequently?


However, given the immediately preceding context of semen which has gone foul, discussed by Rav Huna and Rav Sheshet, the assumption that the driving force behind Rav Papa's question is medical is a reasonable one. (Though not the only possible explanation, as discussed.)


I would suggest that these two interpretations, ritual vs. physical, are inherent in the hava amina and maskana of the parallel discussion in Niddah. On Niddah 34a-b:
ת"ש נמצאת אומר שכבת זרע של ישראל טמאה בכל מקום
ואפי' במעי עובדת כוכבים ושל עובד כוכבים טהור' בכל מקום ואפי' במעי ישראלית חוץ ממי רגלים שבה
...
אמר מר שכבת זרע של ישראל טמאה בכ"מ אפי' במעי עובדת כוכבים תפשוט דבעי רב פפא דבעי רב פפא שכבת זרע של ישראל במעי עובדת כוכבים מהו בתוך ג' לא קמיבעיא ליה לרב פפא כי קמיבעיא ליה לאחר ג' מאי ישראל דדייגי במצות חביל גופייהו ומסריח עובדי כוכבים דלא דייגי במצות לא חביל גופייהו ולא מסריח או דילמא כיון דאכלי שקצים ורמשים חביל גופייהו ומסריח תיקו:

Or, in English:
Come and hear: It thus follows that the semen of an Israelite is unclean everywhere, even in the bowels of an idolatress, while that of an idolater is clean everywhere, even in the bowels of an Israelitish woman, with the exception of any urine of hers that is mixed up with it.
...
The Master said, 'The semen of an Israelite is unclean everywhere, even in the bowels of an idolatress'. May you not thereby solve a question of R. Papa; for R. Papa enquired. 'What is the law regarding the semen of an Israelite in the bowels of an idolatress?' [Concerning a discharge] within three days, R. Papa raised no questions. His enquiry related only to one after three days. What, he asked, is the law? Is it only in the case of Israelites, who are anxious to observe the commandments, that their bodies engender heat and the semen decomposes but in the case of idolaters, who are not anxious to observe the commandments, their bodies engender no heat and their [semen] therefore does not decompose, or is it possible that on account of their consumption of forbidden animals and reptiles their bodies also engender heat and their semen also decomposes? — This remains undecided.
That is, the initial assumption, the hava amina, was that Rav Papa was asking about this cheftza / gavra distinction I mentioned above. And so, the Tannaitic cited in Niddah directly answers his question. But then, the gemara clarifies that it is a question in metzius, about whether there is a physical distinction between Jews and non-Jews (and separately between humans and animals) which would cause the semen to degrade at a separate rate.

The gemara in Niddah could have only rationally had this question about the meaning of Rav Papa's statement had it stood alone, without the later elaboration. And then the gemara, here and in Niddah, interpreted it as being about the three days, perhaps because of some inside knowledge or perhaps because of the positioning of it after the discussion of Rav Huna and Rav Sheshet. Which suggests to me that, right or wrong about the interpretation, Rav Papa's statement originally stood alone, and this is the post-Talmudic explanation, about just how Jews and non-Jews might differ physically.

I am happy with my distinction. I theorized about it independently, and only then got confirmation from the gemara in Niddah.

Regardless of whether the ritual or physical interpretation of Rav Papa's question is correct, let us consider the  gemara's take on it. Once again, the gemara explained:
[Do we say,] Because Israelites are anxious about [the observance of] precepts, their bodies are heated, but not so Gentiles, who are not anxious about precepts; or perhaps, as they eat creeping crawling things, their bodies [too] are heated?
There was an ancient assumption that women were colder than men. Hippocrates had written, of the two qualities (cold vs. hot, wet vs. dry) that women were cold and wet, while men were hot and dry. Galen had written that of the two qualities,
"The female is less perfect than the male for one principal reason - because she is colder." 
And that the degree of heat in different women differed. Thus, Aristotle thought that a woman must be the opposite of the man in order to have children -- "If he be hot, she must be cold; if he be dry, she must be moist." And he thought women didn't menstruate before the age of thirteen because young girls were hot, and so digested all of their nourishment. And that the different length in periods in women was based on their body heat. He also believed that different foods could change the temperature of the womb. He thought that the body had a sort of fireplace, and thus instructed fever suffers to gorge themselves.

It seems to me that the explanation proffered by the gemara is in line with ancient scientific beliefs. Thus, perhaps attitude of Israelite women will change womb temperature, and that will degrade the semen. But as to non-Israelite women, as the gemara in Niddah states, their bodies engender no heat, and so the semen would not degrade. This supposition is directly in line with a belief that women's wombs in general were cold, and did not engender heat.

In terms of the opposite supposition, that by eating sheratzim, they would engender heat and thus equal Israelite women, this too is in line with ancient science, which believed that a change in the woman's diet would cause a change in womb temperature (see above).

The gemara ends with a teiku. We don't need to resort to a teiku. Nowadays, we have excellent tools for measuring temperature, and can readily measure the womb temperature of Jewish woman and non-Jewish women. I suspect that we would find no great difference between Israelite and non-Israelite women in this regard; nor different from a frum Christian woman who is exciting by her commandments yet eats sheratzim; nor different from a non-Jewish woman who is a vegan, and eats no sheratzim. Not that environmental factors couldn't shift these slightly, but the womb needs to be a certain temperature to allow for the fetus to develop, and so I would not imagine that the womb temperatures would vary that widely, if at all.

If so, this gemara is irrelevant to us. Indeed, we should have expected that is is based on ancient science. What will we say? That this is an instance of sod Hashem liyreav? If it were so, then how could the gemara have ended in a Teku?! They would have known whether there was this difference, and whether eating sheratzim impacted it!

If it is indeed a setama degemara, then know that the stama rarely creates a distinction of its own. So if they discuss eating sheratzim as having an impact, likely we can find some named Amora saying something like it.

We find this named Amora in gemara Avoda Zara 31b:
אמר שמואל כל השרצים יש להן ארס של נחש ממית של שרצים אינו ממית אמר ליה שמואל לחייא בר רב בר אריא תא ואימא לך מילתא מעלייתא דהוה אמר רב אבוך הכי אמר אבוך הני ארמאי זוקאני דהוו שתו גילויא ולא מתו איידי דאכלי שקצים ורמשים חביל גופייהו
Said Samuel to Hiyya b. Rab: O son of a scholar, come let me tell you a good thing which your father Rab used to say. Thus said your father: The reason why those swollen Arameans who drink what is kept uncovered suffer no fatal consequences is because, through eating abominable and creeping things, their bodies become immune from it.
If we might take a critical look at this, it seems that these Amoraim were themselves grappling with the contrast between their religious/medical traditions and their actual observations, derived from living among gentiles. There was an assumption that uncovered water left overnight would be sipped by a serpent, who would inject its venom into it. As such, there was sakanta, danger to life, which was more stringent than mere prohibition. And so, in general, Jews did not drink from water left uncovered. (It could well be that in their climates serpents did sip from it.) And yet, in Babylonia, the gentiles did not keep this restriction, and yet they suffered no harmful effects. How could this be, if the entire basis was one of sakana. One answer might be that there is a different climate. Another might be that nishtaneh hateva, and so the halacha should change as well. Another might be that, in the first place, there was faulty science in assessing the level of danger. But Rav said the wonderful answer that it is because of their diet. Because of repeated exposure to abominable and creeping things, their bodies become immune to the poison of reptiles and snakes.

This, at least, makes more sense than the idea that womb temperature would change. Even though both can be backed by scientific theories, here, the idea that repeated exposure to some substance can induce tolerance not only makes some sense, but remains topical. In contrast, the gemara in Shabbat and Niddah take it well out of context and apply it, anonymously, to a different subject, womb temperature. Even though, as stated, it still works out nicely in accordance with ancient science.

Tosafot, at the very bottom of the daf in Avodah Zarah, writes:
דאכלי שקצים ורמשים חביל גופייהו. תימה דאמר פרק רבי עקיבא (שבת דף פו:) גבי שכבת זרע של ישראל במעי עובדת כוכבים ישראל דדייגי במצות חביל גופייהו טפי מעובדי כוכבים וי"ל דלענין להנצל מארס אין מועיל חבל דדייגי במצות כמו חבל דאכילת שקצים ורמשים שיש להם בתוך הגוף ומבטל ארס של נחש:
Thus, he contrasts the gemara here with the gemara in Shabbos. By shichvas zera shel Yisrael in the womb of an avodas kochavim, the implication is that since they are anxious about performance of mitzvos, the Israelites have more of an aspect of chavil gufayhu, whereas the gemara here indicates that because of the sheratzim consumed, the non-Israelites have more chavil gufayhu. And Tosafot suggest the answer that, in terms of this particular aspect of being saved from venom, the chavil gufayhu of anxiety of mitzvos does not assist to the same extend as a chavil gufayhu of eating abominable and creeping things, which they have within their bodies and which then nullifies the venom of the serpent.

The Chasam Sofer, this gemara in Shabbos, and the Tosafot in Avoda Zara, and uses it to say that we should disregard the words of physicians, because gentiles have different natures than Jews. Thus, in his Chiddushim to Masechet Shabbos, he writes:


Thus, first he cites the gemara, and then he cites the Tosafot. And then writes, "And because of this, it is difficult for me to rely on the instructions of the doctors of our times, even a Jewish doctor, in the matter of Niddah and the like. For all of their expertise is based on the medical works which were made via experimentation that they had upon the bodies of the nations of the world. And so too, all of their science in dissection (anatomy) is based on what they tried upon their own bodies, where chavil gufayhu; and this is not then a proof to the bodies of Israelites, and there is not to apply legally from their words to be lenient in any prohibition, except for chillul Shabbos and eating on Yom Kippur {Josh: which have precedent in halachic sources to rely on non-Jewish doctors for this}, for this is only a doubt of danger to life, which also pushes off Shabbos. But to trust in them entirely and absolutely, it does not appear to me."

From his words, it seems as if people were trying to say to rely on contemporary science to introduce kulos into hilchos Niddah, which might have sparked this reaction, in part. This makes sense, in light of how the Chasam Sofer was combating the Reform movement.

I would note that the Chasam Sofer lived in the eighteenth century to early nineteenth century:
Moses Schreiber, known to his own community and Jewish posterity as Moshe Sofer, also known by his main work Chasam Sofer, (trans. Seal of the Scribe and acronym for Chidushei Toras Moshe Sofer), (1762 - 1839), was one of the leading Orthodox rabbis of European Jewry in the first half of the nineteenth century. He was a teacher to thousands and a powerful opponent to the Reform movement, which was then making inroads into many Jewish communities in Austria-Hungary and beyond. As Rav of the city of Bratislava, he maintained a strong Orthodox Jewish perspective through communal life, first-class education, and uncompromising opposition to Reform and radical change.
While modern science was developing, scientists still believed a bunch of nonsense. And so it is quite possible that scientific pronouncements in his days were indeed absolute bunk. But they had started doing experimentation, and were overturning much of medieval and ancient scientific beliefs.

I must admit that for a while, before seeing it inside, this Chasam Sofer had me extremely puzzled. As he was popularly cited, he seemed to go directly against the gemara.

That is, the gemara in Niddah and the gemara in Shabbos both said that chavil gufayhu for anxiety for mitzvos was a given for Israelite women. The only question was whether chavil gufayhu was true of gentiles as well, as a result of eating shekatzim. If so, then all that would be accomplished is that gentile women would be on the same status, physically, as Israelite women. Not that the chavil gufayhu is making the gentiles different from Israelites, physically! And we are not even certain that this is the case, that chavil gufayhu, for we end in a teiku.

And yet, the way the Chasam Sofer is most often cited is that based on the gemara in Niddah and Shabbos, since gentiles eat abominations and creeping creatures, chavil gufayhu, and so they are different from Jews. To stress, the gemara isn't even certain about it, and chavil gufayhu was cited to show how they would be equal to Jews.

Even after seeing the Chasam Sofer inside, this is a pretty grievous problem with his interpretation, in that his proof actually is an argument in the opposite direction. We can "save" it based on the fact that regardless, this gemara does assume that a physical difference between Jews and gentiles is possible, as a result of environmental conditions, and that eating sheratzim can have an impact on womb temperature. We can further "save" it based on his citation of Tosafot, which shows that eating sheratzim can have further impact past that discussed in the gemara, where in fact there is a distinction between Jews and gentiles. Though that Tosafot is also problematic since Tosafot's assumption is that eating sheratzim only makes this sort of impact in creating immunity to ingesting venom, because of a causal relationship they establish, but would not apply this (as much) to hilchot Niddah.

Therefore, at the end of the day, this Chasam Sofer still puzzles me, and I believe he is misinterpreting the gemara's plain meaning, to a degree.

Even so, this gemara, and the gemara in Avoda Zara, does consider that there might be environment factors which cause differences between Jews and gentiles.

So the gemara does imply something of the sort. And the Chasam Sofer certainly states something of the sort. That does not mean that all modern rabbis will agree with the Chasam Sofer. Certainly, many chareidi rabbis and poskim, including "Gedolim", will agree with the Chasam Sofer. But they don't know enough science, or have a deep enough understanding of science, to make such a determination. For example, see what the Klausenberger Rebbe says about cousins marrying. (To be discussed in a future post in greater detail.) And many more "centrist" rabbis and poskim will disagree with the Chasam Sofer. Even though the Chasam Sofer said this, who says that he is right? And even if he is right in understanding the gemara, who says that the gemara was right in this scientific determination? For Chazal can be wrong in science.

In this, I do not side with the charedim and, for reasons to be elaborated elsewhere, believe that this approach to science is just awful. And if the poskim, including Gedolim, are willfully blind to the metzius, then their pesak halacha is entirely wrong and not really worth anything. No matter how much Torah they may know, if they do not know reality, then they are incapable of paskening.

Thursday, September 24, 2009

Alexander's ascent, via Griffin or Griffin-Vulture

In Haazinu, we read of the eagle bearing its young on its pinions (wings):

יא כְּנֶשֶׁר יָעִיר קִנּוֹ, עַל-גּוֹזָלָיו יְרַחֵף; {ס} יִפְרֹשׂ כְּנָפָיו יִקָּחֵהוּ, יִשָּׂאֵהוּ עַל-אֶבְרָתוֹ. 11 As an eagle that stirreth up her nest, hovereth over her young, spreadeth abroad her wings, taketh them, beareth them on her pinions--
and while it is meant allegorically, ain mikra yotzei miydei peshuto, and the mashal needs to make sense and be true before we get to the nimshal. Some connect it to the pasuk in parshat Yitro, in Shemot 19:4:

ד אַתֶּם רְאִיתֶם, אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתִי לְמִצְרָיִם; וָאֶשָּׂא אֶתְכֶם עַל-כַּנְפֵי נְשָׁרִים, וָאָבִא אֶתְכֶם אֵלָי.4 Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bore you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto Myself.

and again, this is meant to be allegorical, though there presumably should be some actual physical observable phenomenon of nesharim bearing things (such as young) on their wings, as a basis for this. And see Rashi and midrashim on this.

Could an eagle, or perhaps griffin-vulture, be big enough to lift a man, if we wanted to take the allegorical as absolutely literal? We wouldn't really expect birds so big.

Yet there is a giant, man-killing eagle, thought until just recently to be legendary, which survived until about 500 years ago, at which point it became extinct:

New research has confirmed that a giant man-eating bird long spoken of in legends actually existed.

And the Haast eagle was even bigger and more deadly than first thought, fulfilling the same role as the killer lions of Africa.

Each creature had a wingspan of three metres and weighed almost 20kg, making more than twice the size of the largest eagle that survives today.

"It was certainly capable of swooping down and taking a child," Paul Scofield, of Canterbury University in New Zealand, said.

This is not precisely the same as bearing a fully grown person on its wings, but it brings it more into the realm of imagined possibility. (Though there may well be scientific reasons that birds, including eagles and vultures, cannot get so large.)

I bring all this up because there is a Yerushalmi which seems to have a man riding on the back of a nesher, which is probably a griffin vulture.

Yerushalmi Avodah Zarah 18b reads:
א"ר יונה אלכסנדרוס מוקדון כד בעא מיסק לעיל והוה סלק וסלק סלק עד שראה את העולם ככדור ואת הים כקערה בגין כן ציירין לה בכדורא בידה. ויצורינה קערה בידה.

Thus, according to Rabbi Yonah, when Alexander the Macedonian {the Great} wanted, he ascended up, until he saw the world like a ball and the sea like a plate. Because of this they depict him with a sphere in his hand, and a plate {/discus} in his hand.

So why do I say that Alexander ascended upon a nesher? Where does it state that in the Yerushalmi?! All it said was אלכסנדרוס מוקדון כד בעא מיסק לעיל והוה סלק וסלק סלק, but it did not mention the method by which he ascended! To answer, I got this from Pnei Moshe on the daf, who said that Alexander went up by nesher.

Pnei Moshe writes that he did something, and say on the nesher to raise himself above and to see the face of the earth, as it written in their Chronicles.

Thus, admittedly the Yerushalmi does not mention a nesher. But he recognizes that this maamar Chazal is likely citing Greek legend, and so he turns to Greek legend -- or perhaps if he believes it to be true and historical, Greek history -- and discovers that Alexander's ascent was by nesher.

But if we look at Greek legend, it does not seem to be an eagle or griffin-vulture by which Alexander ascends. Rather, it appears to be by griffin:
One legend involving griffins is the Ascension of Alexander the great. According to this story, Alexander captured a pair of griffins and, having starved them for three days, hitched them to his throne and, teasing them with chunks of roast beef held above their heads on lances, flew heavenward for seven days. Alexander would've stolen a peek at God Himself if an angel had not asked him why he wanted to see the things of heaven when he did not yet understand the things of earth. Chastised for his presumptuousness, Alexander flew back to earth. Representations of Alexander's ascension were placed in French and Italian cathedrals during the 12th century.
This is a fairly popular tale, and an old one. This museum website puts the emergence of the legend to 200 BCE, well before this statement in the Yerushalmi was written:

200 BC
Emergence of the legend of Alexander, in which Alexander of Macedonia flew in the company of some half-starved griffins to the end of the world. This theme turns up frequently (on exhibit in the Museum).

And here is an article (8+ MB PDF) tracing the history of this story as well as artwork about it. One interesting variant has a king using similar hunks of meat to make two griffins (or else eagles) carry his throne up high. (The picture to the right has Alexander using these hunks of meat.) Compare to the griffins on King Shlomo's throne, which brought him up.

If so, why does Pnei Moshe say nesher? Maybe he saw (or thought he saw) a variant of the popular legend, maybe he considers nesher an adequate translation of griffin, or perhaps he is rewriting it to be more plausible -- even though a human being lifted in this way by two eagles is not very plausible to me.

Aside from simply being an interesting Yerushalmi, or at least Pnei Moshe, if it refers to griffins or even to eagles lifting Alexander up, or even if it merely refers to a popular Greek legend, there might be some interesting things we can deduce about this Yerushalmi if we bring in eagles or griffin-vultures or griffins.

Specifically, this famous Yerushalmi shows a belief within Chazal in a round earth. There is, of course, another gemara in Bavli Chagiga, which strongly implies a flat earth. Did they intend this Yerushalmi literally, or is it an allegory? Even if literal, does it reflect Greek beliefs or Chazal's beliefs? Or both?

The whole point in the Yerushalmi of citing this legend is that those under Alexander's rule consider the world to be under Alexander's dominion -- though the continuation of the Yerushalmi challenges them on the accuracy of that statement. If the whole point is dominion, then the Yerushalmi does not necessarily have to actually maintain that Alexander ascended on high. Rather, they just need to believe that the Greeks believed that. And if the Greeks believed this, we can understand the statues with the ball or plate in hand to have a specific meaning. And if is only the Greeks who believe this, this is no absolute evidence that "Chazal" believed in a spherical earth -- especially as there are certain other gemaras which seem to contradict this. Of course, sources in Bavli and Yerushalmi can readily contradict one another, because Chazal are not monolithic.

But even before getting to that point, I have to wonder whether Chazal really believed the Greek legends about Alexander's ascent on high, literally. While it is nice that Chazal get some contemporary science right, it would be a shame if they believed it because they believed in some implausible nonsense about Alexander riding up to the heavens on eagles or griffins.

Given that he ascended upon a nesher, and a nesher is often a symbol of power (king of the birds, much like the lion as the king of the beasts), and given that a griffin is a combination of two kingly beasts (griffin-vulture/eagle + lion) all of this might be a further allegory for Alexander's dominion. Even if allegory, of course, details of what he saw might be based on scientific knowledge of the world. And so if he would see the world, they would describe the world as a sphere.

In sum, this is an interesting Yerushalmi not just for its references to a spherical earth. Pnei Moshe's suggestion is bold, in that he is willing to fill in details from Greek legends. His suggestion seems quite plausible, given the history of this story. And I wonder whether even as Greek legend, the griffin was intended allegorically.

Rabbi Slifkin discusses griffins in his Sacred Monsters. While he does not address this Yerushalmi in particular, he does discuss some of the royal aspects of the griffin in the context of certain midrashim.

Tuesday, May 20, 2008

Pyres and Incense - The Yerushalmi

Just a quick followup to my previous post about funeral pyres. The Yerushalmi has a slightly different take:

דף ב, ב פרק א הלכה ב משנה
אילו הן אידיהן של עכו"ם קלנדס וסטרנלייא וקרטסי' ויום גינוסיא של מלכים ויום הלידה ויום המיתה דברי ר"מ וחכמים אומרים כל מיתה שיש בה שריפה יש בה ע"ז ושאין בה שריפה אין בה ע"ז:

דף ג, ב פרק א הלכה ב גמרא
יום הלידה ויום המיתה עד כאן לציבור מיכן ואילך ליחיד. וכתי' בשלום תמות ובמשרפות אבותיך הראשונים וגו'. כיני מתניתא כל מיתה שיש בה עישון ושריפה יש בהן ע"ז ושאין בה עישון ושריפה אין בה ע"ז:

"Kini masnisa" basically means to reread the Mishna as if it said something slightly different. Thus, it is as if the Mishnah had the Chachamim say that "any death which has to it incense and burning has a component of idolatry." This offered as a harmonization with the Tosefta. It is true that pyres are burned in honor of kings, and there is no superstition in that. But that is burning articles owned or used by the king. However, it is still possible to burn other things, such as incense, such that it is clear that that is not the intent of the burning. And burning incense would be just such a thing.

Aside from the setama deBavli's harmonization, we see in Bavli Avodah Zarah a development of this idea. Thus, in Bavli:
'The burning of articles at a king's [funeral] is permitted and there is nothing of Amorite usage about it,' as it is said, Thou shalt die in peace and with burnings of thy fathers, the former kings that were before thee, so shall they make a burning for thee. And just as it is permitted to burn at the [funerals] of kings so it is permitted to burn in the case of princes. What is it that may be burnt in the case of kings? — Their beds and articles that were in use by them. In the instance of the death of R. Gamaliel the elder, Onkelos the proselyte burnt after him seventy Tyrian manehs. But did you not say that only articles in use by them could be burnt? — What is meant is [articles] 'to the value of seventy Tyrian manehs.' May other things then not be burned? Yet it has been taught: It is permitted to mutilate [an animal] at royal funerals and there is nothing of Amorite usage about it! — Said R. Papa [that refers to] the horse on which he rode.
Thus, the gemara, and Rav Pappa, surely realize that there is a limit to what one can burn where it is not considered superstitious, but over that line it is Darkei Emori. This is in line with the suggestion offered by the Yerushalmi, to distinguish between the two cases.

Monday, May 19, 2008

Is Burning A Pyre to Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai An Idolatrous or Superstitious Custom?

{Note: Certainly not intended halacha lemaaseh. Rather, just something I want to explore.}

It would certainly seem potentially problematic. The practice of burning pyres for kings at their funerals turns out not to be a superstitious practice of the Emorites. In the Tosefta of Shabbos, perek 8, we read:

שורפין על המלכים ולא מדרכי האמורי שנאמר (ירמיהו לד) בשלום תמות ובמשרפות וגו' כשם ששורפין על המלכים כך שורפין על הנשיאים אבל לא על הדיוטות ומה הן שורפין עליו מטתו וכלי תשמישו מעשה שמת ר"ג הזקן ושרף עליו אונקלוס הגר יותר משבעים מנה.
Thus, in honor of kings, they made pyres where they burned things. This was a way of showing kavod, honor, and it is thus not a superstitious practice. This at the least means when Jews do it but may mean when gentiles do it as well.

This Tosefta therefore allows burning of pyres for Jewish kings, and also for the Nasi. The Nasi was the prince, the head of the Sanhedrin. The incident described in the Tosefta bears this latter point out. Rabban Gamliel the Zaken was a Nasi, and Onkelos the Convert burned more that 70 manehs worth in his honor.

However, the Tosefta notes, this is only for a king or a nasi. One should not do this for a hedyot, which in this context I would regard as a "commoner," non-royalty.

And though Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai was surely a great Tanna, he was not a Nasi. As such, burning pyres in his honor on the anniversary of his death (assuming it actually is the anniversary of his death and not a taus sofer) is perhaps misguided.

Perhaps we should simply cast hedyot as any non-prestigious person, in which case Rashbi was prestigious. What is the nature of the distinction of hedyot/non-hedyot? Does the pasuk allow and set precedent for burning pyres specifically for Jewish kings and royalty, thus encompassing the Nesiim. All Nesiim with the exclusion of Rabbi Yochanan ben Zakkai were descended from Hillel, and thus from Bet David. But we see a pyre was made for Rabbi Yochanan ben Zakkai. It could be a function of the office. Alternatively, the idea of king or nasi was that this is done for honor, as the gemara clarifies. And for a hedyot, perhaps it would not be done for honor, but rather for some superstitious purpose.

Of course, all sorts of reasons are given for the lighting of the bonfires. But surely they are being lit in honor of Rashbi's yahrtzeit. Which again, might be for a hedyot, or for a non-hedyot.

Add to that the following. To cite this site:
There is another reason. The fire represents the Jewish Neshama. (soul) It say in Proverbs, "The Soul of Man is Hashem's candle (light). The bonfire is a symbol of the igniting of the Jewish soul on this day, and its desire to come closer to Hashem.

Rebbi Yisrael of Rizhin, by way of the Rabbis of Sfas, purchased, at great expense, the right to light the main bonfire in Meron on Lag B'Omer for all time. It has passed on to his descendants even today as an inheritance.

Once when his grandson, the Sadigorer Rebbi was asked about this phenomenon, he answered, "Tens of thousands of souls have been healed because of this bonfire which is lit in the honor of the Holy Rebbi Shimon Bar Yochai!!"

It is one thing to do something in honor of someone, even if not a king or prince. But when you think that this fire has mystical properties (as can develop when talking about festivals attended by thousands of people for a kabbalistic personality), we might be wandering into dangerous territory. On the other hand, it could be that the festival somehow brings people closer to Hashem. I am not entirely sure how to interpret this statement. How have tens of thousands of souls been healed by the bonfire? Is this in a mystical sense?

It is also important to note that according to the setama digmara's interpretation and harmonization of the Mishna with the Tosefta (see my full citation of the Mishna and Gemara below in order to understand the following comments), it might well be that everyone agrees that burning pyres is not a superstitious custom, but rather that it is a mark of honor, and Rabbi Meir and the Sages argue whether idolatry happens at such events, if there is, and if there is not, such a pyre.

What follows is the Mishna and Gemara in Avodah Zarah about pyres for kings. There is the Mishna, from daf 8a:

THESE ARE THE FESTIVITIES OF THE IDOLATERS: KALENDA, SATURNALIA, KRATESIS, THE ANNIVERSARY OF ACCESSION TO THE THRONE AS WELL AS [ROYAL] BIRTHDAYS AND ANNIVERSARIES OF DEATHS. THIS IS R. MEIR'S OPINION. BUT THE SAGES SAY, A DEATH AT WHICH BURNING [OF ARTICLES OF THE DEAD] TAKES PLACE IS ATTENDED BY IDOLATRY, BUT WHERE THERE IS NOT SUCH BURNING THERE IS NO IDOLATRY. HOWEVER, THE DAY OF SHAVING ONES BEARD OR LOCK OF HAIR, OR THE DAY OF LANDING AFTER A SEA VOYAGE, OR THE DAY OF RELEASE FROM PRISON, OR IF AN IDOLATER HOLDS A BANQUET FOR HIS SON — THE PROHIBITION ONLY APPLIES TO THAT DAY AND THAT PARTICULAR PERSON.
And then the gemara, on Avodah Zara 11a:

THE BIRTHDAY AND ANNIVERSARIES OF KINGS DEATHS. [THIS IS R. MEIR'S OPINION. THE SAGES SAY IDOLATRY ONLY OCCURS AT A DEATH AT WHICH BURNING OF ARTICLES TAKES PLACE.] This implies that R. Meir is of opinion that at every death, whether there is burning of articles or there is no burning, idol-worship takes place — consequently, the burning of articles is not an [idolatrous] cult. From which is to be inferred that the Rabbis hold that burning [of articles at a funeral] is an [idolatrous] cult; what then of the following which has been taught: The burning of articles at a king's [funeral] is permitted and there is nothing of Amorite usage about it? Now if it is a cult of idolatry how could such burning be allowed? Is it not written, and in their statutes ye shall not walk? — Hence, all agree that burning is not an idolatrous cult and is merely a mark of high esteem [for the deceased]; where they differ is this: R. Meir holds that at every death, whether burning of articles takes place or does not take place. there is idol-worship; but the Rabbis hold that a death at which burning takes place is regarded as important and is marked by idol-worship, but one at which no burning takes place is unimportant and is not marked by idol-worship.

[To return to] the main text. 'The burning of articles at a king's [funeral] is permitted and there is nothing of Amorite usage about it,' as it is said, Thou shalt die in peace and with burnings of thy fathers, the former kings that were before thee, so shall they make a burning for thee. And just as it is permitted to burn at the [funerals] of kings so it is permitted to burn in the case of princes. What is it that may be burnt in the case of kings? — Their beds and articles that were in use by them. In the instance of the death of R. Gamaliel the elder, Onkelos the proselyte burnt after him seventy Tyrian manehs. But did you not say that only articles in use by them could be burnt?— What is meant is [articles] 'to the value of seventy Tyrian manehs.'

I am not sure that I agree with this harmonization, and would rather suggest that the Chachamim disagree with the Tosefta. Or rather that they would agree when done for gentile kings by gentiles, it is indeed an idolatrous cult and so it is a festival in that sense which is relevant to those halachos being discussed in Avodah Zarah. But whether Jews can burn pyres for their own kings -- since there is Scriptural basis for the practice for Jewish kings, it is done in honor of the Jewish kings, has precedent, and is not Darkei Emori. Thus, I would suggest the harmonization is misguided.

At the very least, I would point out that the Tosefta explicitly says that one should not burn such pyres for a hedyot, a commoner. And such is made clear in the gemara as well, when it cites that one may do so for a Nasi. This surely reads at odds with the harmonization which has the pyres always being only for honor. Except we can say that what all are in agreement to, according to the gemara, is that for kings it is only a mark of honor, rather than this being the case in general. But in other situations, indeed pyres may be superstitious.

Another point. Are we conflating pyres made at the time of death with pyres made on the anniversary of the death? The Tosefta appears to be talking about the king's funeral. Thus Onkelos burned 70 maneh worth at Rabban Yochanan ben Zakkai's funeral, and the articles the king used are burned at the funeral.

In contrast, the Mishna refers to Yom HaLeida and Yom haMisa, which are anniversaries of the king's birth and death. This is a recurring, year to year, occurrence. Perhaps pyres in such a situation are indeed problematic for perhaps they can be cast as worship of the king, but at the actual funeral, burning the king's possessions so that no-one else can benefit from them, in honor of him, or expressing sadness in this way, is simply honor.

At any rate, these were just my musings, but not intended halacha lemaaseh in any way.

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