Showing posts with label gra. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gra. Show all posts

Friday, May 22, 2015

Knowing when to speak up and when to shut up

In honor of the upcoming holiday of Shavuot, this piece by the Vilna Gaon about the difference between taam elyon and taam tachton in the Aseres HaDibros.

Let me preface this with a peshat explanation of any and all differences between the two sets of trup. In one version -- the taam elyon, each of the Ten Commandments is given its own pasuk, except for the short ones. Here is an image, though in general (without looking carefully at this), there are many corruptions in the elyon and tachton so one should get it from a better source:


As you can see, Anochi starts the first pasuk, and there is no silluq or sof pasuk until Mitzvotai, five lines down. Interestingly, though, the short Lo Tirtzach until Ed Shaker are grouped together.

Meanwhile, the taam tachton has regular pasuk divisions, without real regard towards separating the Dibros. See here in in a Mikraos Gedolos.

Here is an interesting image, which I think shows the elyon / tachton with variations alongside one another:



This image appears to have (as the elyon variant) pasuk terminations pauses at the end of Lo Tirtzach alone and Lo Tinaf alone, and the dagesh kal / refeh and patach / kametz variations to match.

A natural consequence of this difference in approach to division is a difference in both trup and nikkud. There is a mechanical (though also probabilistic) process, based on logical and syntactic division, number of words in the current phrase or subphrase, and distance from the end of the next disjunctive trup mark, which defines what trup marks go where. And this will in turn define nikkud because certain trup marks (such as etnachta and silluq, and sometimes zakef) will transform the pronunciation of the word into its pausal form (where e.g. a patach will become a kametz). The trup will also affect the presence or absence of dagesh kal in the letters bet, gimel, daled, kaf, peh and tav. Following a disjunctive trup mark, there will be a dagesh kal even if the previous word ended in aleph, heh, vav or yud. Following a conjunctive trup mark, there will not be a dagesh kal if the previous word ended in alephheh, vav or yud

In sum, this is a mechanical process set in motion by the choice in pasuk length.

The Vilna Gaon says, in Kol Eliyahu on parashat Yitro :
"Lo Tirtzach: Behold, in the taam elyon it is read with a kametz and in the tachton it is read with a patach under the tzadik.
And there is to say that this hints to that which our Sages za'l said in the gemara in Masechet Avodah Zara (daf 19b)[1] upon the pasuk [in Mishlei 7:26] כי רבים חללים הפילה - This is a student who has not reached the level of ruling yet rules [from the language of nafal indicating that he will not fill out his days], ועצומים כל הרוגיה - this is a student who has reached the level of ruling yet does not rule [from the language of otzem einav], see there in Rashi's commentary. And Chazal referred to both of them as murderers, this one by opening [petichat] his mouth to rule and this one with the closing [kemitzat] his mouth and averting his eye from the people of the generation, such that he does not give them the benefit of his ruling. And to this the kametz and patach hint, for they indicate that both the opening [petichat] of the mouth and its closing [kemitzati] are within the realm of lo tirtzach."
I don't have the kamatz in the taam elyon picture above, but he must have had it in this way -- it is one of the alternates given in the second image.

Footnotes:
[1]
Avodah Zarah 19b
אמר רבי אבא אמר רב הונא אמר רב מאי דכתיב (משלי ז, כו) כי רבים חללים הפילה זה תלמיד שלא הגיע להוראה ומורה ועצומים כל הרוגיה זה תלמיד שהגיע להוראה ואינו מורה 

Thursday, July 26, 2012

How does the trup parse אֲנָשִׁים חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים וִידֻעִים לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם?

Summary: Against Rashi, it seems, such that חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים וִידֻעִים are a unit. But that is acceptable.

Post: Towards the start of parshas Devarim, we encounter this pasuk:

13. Prepare for yourselves wise and understanding men, known among your tribes, and I will make them heads over you.יג. הָבוּ לָכֶם אֲנָשִׁים חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים וִידֻעִים לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם וַאֲשִׂימֵם בְּרָאשֵׁיכֶם:

Rashi
Note that Judaica Press translates it in accordance to Rashi, taking וִידֻעִים לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם as a unit, meaning "known among your tribes".


Here is how Rashi, channeling the Sifrei, puts it:



well-known among your tribes: Men whom you recognize, for if one were to come before me wrapped in his tallith, I would not know who he is and of what tribe he is, and whether he is suitable. But you know him, for you have raised him. Therefore, it says,“well-known among your tribes.” (Sifrei)וידועים לשבטיכם: שהם ניכרים לכם, שאם בא לפני מעוטף בטליתו איני יודע מי הוא ומאיזה שבט הוא ואם הגון הוא, אבל אתם מכירין בו, שאתם גידלתם אותו, לכך נאמר וידועים לשבטיכם:





Compare with JPS which makes it a measure of their knowledge:


יג  הָבוּ לָכֶם אֲנָשִׁים חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים, וִידֻעִים--לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם; וַאֲשִׂימֵם, בְּרָאשֵׁיכֶם.13 Get you, from each one of your tribes, wise men, and understanding, and full of knowledge, and I will make them heads over you.'



Ibn Ezra does not explicitly treat viyduim lishivteichem as unit, as Rashi does, but he does interpret viduim in like manner:

וידועים -שהם היו ידועים שיכירום הכל.

That they are known, that all recognize them.

(After all, it is the passive verb.) The Ramban writes:
יג): וידעים לשבטיכם - 
שהיו ניכרים לכם, שאם בא לפני מעוטף בטליתו איני יודע מי הוא ומאי זה שבט הוא, אבל אתם מכירים אותו שגדלתם אותו, לשון רש"י מספרי (דברים יג). ג
ואם כן, יהיה "לשבטיכם" קשור עם "וידועים" י

אבל על דרך הפשט טעמו, הבו לכם לשבטיכם אנשים חכמים. 
ועל דעתי, טעם "וידועים" שהם ידועים לשופטים, כלומר שמעלתם ידועה ונכרת למנותם בה שופטים. וכלל מעלות השופטים במלת "וידועים", כי השופטים צריכין להיות אנשי חיל יראי אלוהים אנשי אמת שונאי בצע כאשר אמר יתרו, ואלה היו ידועים לשופטים מתחלה כי היו הכל אומרים ראוי זה להיות שופט:
That is, he first cites Rashi and states that if so, the word לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם is connected with וִידֻעִים. He continues:
"However, on a peshat level, its import is {via reordering the words} 'Get yourselves, for your tribes, wise men.' {J: and so 'your tribes' is not associated with yeduim at all.}
 And in my opinion, the meaning of yeduim is that they are known to be judges, that is to say, their greatness is known and recognized, to appoint them judges for it. And it encompasses the various positive traits of judges in the word וִידֻעִים, for the judges need to be אַנְשֵׁי-חַיִל יִרְאֵי אֱלֹהִים, אַנְשֵׁי אֱמֶת--שֹׂנְאֵי בָצַעת, as Yisro said {J: such that there is harmonization between Devarim and parashat Yitro in sefer Shemot}. And these were known to be 'judges' from the beginning, since all would say that this one is fit to be a judge.
In this way, I'll stress once more,  לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם is not connected with וִידֻעִים on a peshat level according to the Ramban.




Vilna Gaon
The Vilna Gaon writes, in Aderes Eliyahu:
לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם. לא קאי ידֻעִים בלבד אלא על כל הד׳ דברים שיהא מכל שבט ושבט

"'to your tribes' -- it does not apply only to וִידֻעִים, but rather to each of the four [sic; three; unless anashim counts, as righteous men, as in the Sifrei, in which case ignore three later in Gra, as well as his supercommentator in the link] things, that they should be from each and every tribe."


haKsav vehaKabbalah
Rabbi Yaakov Tzvi Mechlenburg, in his sefer Haksav veHakabbalah, discusses how trup fits into this picture. He cites the Gra, and then writes:


כי לפי נגינת הטעם מלת וִידֻעִים מתחברת עם חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים


"For according to the trup, the word וִידֻעִים  is connected to חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים." 


This is precisely correct. Let us examine the trup on the pasuk:


The one trup symbol appearing which subdivides an etnachta is the tipcha on וִידֻעִים, such that it is the first item knocked off. All the other trup symbols divide the clause ending in the tipcha. Thus, it is:


הָבוּ לָכֶם אֲנָשִׁים חֲכָמִים וּנְבֹנִים וִידֻעִים
לְשִׁבְטֵיכֶם

Can Rashi (and Ibn Ezra perhaps) give an interpretation against the trup? Yes. But even without that, we already have Ramban aligning peshat vs. the non-peshat (so I suppose derash) in Rashi based on different parsings. Noting that the trup is like the peshat parsing does not necessarily do away with the derash, even if we took trup as dispositive.

Monday, March 05, 2012

The kadma ve'azla on venatenu

Summary: Plus, that it is a palindrome. The Gra connects it to a gemara in Shabbos about the wheel of fortune.

Post: Ki Tisa begins:

12. "When you take the sum of the children of Israel according to their numbers, let each one give to the Lord an atonement for his soul when they are counted; then there will be no plague among them when they are counted.יב. כִּי תִשָּׂא אֶת רֹאשׁ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לִפְקֻדֵיהֶם וְנָתְנוּ אִישׁ כֹּפֶר נַפְשׁוֹ לַה' בִּפְקֹד אֹתָם וְלֹא יִהְיֶה בָהֶם נֶגֶף בִּפְקֹד אֹתָם:


The Vilna Gaon states:

"וְנָתְנוּ אִישׁ כֹּפֶר נַפְשׁוֹ -- Upon the word וְנָתְנוּ {to give} is a kadma ve'azla, to allude to their statement, za'l (in Shabbat 151b):
אמר לה רבי חייא לדביתהו כי אתי עניא אקדימי ליה ריפתא כי היכי דלקדמו לבניך אמרה ליה מילט קא לייטת להו אמר לה קרא קא כתיב כי בגלל הדבר הזה ותנא דבי ר' ישמעאל גלגל הוא שחוזר בעולם
Or, in English:
R. Hiyya said to his wife: When a poor man comes, be quick to offer {akdimu} him bread, so that others may be quick to offer it to your children. You curse them! she exclaimed. A verse is written, he replied: 'because that for [bi-gelal] this thing', whereon the School of R. Ishmael taught: It is a wheel that revolves in the world. 
And behold, the word וְנָתְנוּ {give} is a palindrome, producing the same word read forwards and backwards. For also the one who gives, at times will need that it be given to him. And this is what is hinted to by וְנָתְנוּ with a kadma ve'azla, as be quick to offer {akdimu} bread to a pauper in order that others are quick to offer to your children. Therefore you initiate and give to him."

We can add this to the other times that the Gra darshens trup.

Sunday, November 27, 2011

Did Avraham specifically keep eruv tavshilin or erev techumin?

Summary: An analysis by the Gra.

Post: I saw the following nice piece in Kol Eliyahu, from the Vilna Gaon:
"In the verse עקב אשר שמע אברהם בקולי וישמור משמרתי, etc: Behold, from this pasuk, Chazal darshened in Masechet Yoma (daf 28) that Avraham Avinu kept eiruvei tavshilin, see there. And at first glance, this is extremely surprising, where eiruvei tavshilin is hinted to in this verse. And there is to say that the correct girsa was that Avraham Avinu kept even eruvei techumin.* And this derash is hinted to well in the word עקב, for via the eiruvei techumin, a man treads with his feet outside of 2000 cubits on Shabbat {Josh: and the heel is called עקב.} However, the second printed wrote the words ערובי תחומין in roshei teivos, as ע"ת. And the third printer thought, and erred, that the roshei teivos referred to ערובי תבשילין, and wrote out this error more clearly."
In the footnote designated by the *, someone refers to the teshuva of the Rashba I present in this other post, in which he says eiruvei techumin rather than eiruvei tavshilin.

This is quote plausible. Though the derasha was not explicitly on the עקב part. The gemara in Yoma ends:
א"ל א"כ מצותי ותורותי למה לי אמר (רב) ואיתימא רב אשי קיים אברהם אבינו אפילו עירובי תבשילין שנאמר תורותי אחת תורה שבכתב ואחת תורה. שבעל פה:

which is a derasha from the end of the pasuk. Still, it can be a contributing factor. I would rather find evidence to either from a described action of Avraham, based on a pasuk. Barring that, I would like to consider the type of enactment each of these are. Eiruvei techumin operate on a Biblical level as establishing a place of shevisa, though this fact might be the result of a derasha. (Though the smaller limit is Rabbinic, IIRC.) Eiruv tavshilin is entirely to combat a rabbinic concern of confusion of what sorts of activities are permitted. Are Rabbinic enactments combating Rabbinic concerns under the title of Torah SheBaal Peh?

Friday, November 25, 2011

Rivkah darshens a pasuk

Summary: An amusing remez from the Vilna Gaon.

Post: There is a pasuk and Rashi at the beginning of Toldos:

22. And the children struggled within her, and she said, "If [it be] so, why am I [like] this?" And she went to inquire of the Lord.כב. וַיִּתְרֹצֲצוּ הַבָּנִים בְּקִרְבָּהּ וַתֹּאמֶר אִם כֵּן לָמָּה זֶּה אָנֹכִי וַתֵּלֶךְ לִדְרֹשׁ אֶת יְ־הֹוָ־ה:
struggled: Perforce, this verse calls for a Midrashic interpretation, for it does not explain what this struggling was all about, and [Scripture] wrote,“If it be so, why am I [like] this?” Our Rabbis (Gen. Rabbah 63:6) interpreted it [the word וַיִתְרוֹצִצוּ] as an expression of running (רוֹצָה) . When she passed by the entrances of [the] Torah [academies] of Shem and Eber, Jacob would run and struggle to come out; when she passed the entrance of [a temple of] idolatry, Esau would run and struggle to come out. Another explanation: They were struggling with each other and quarreling about the inheritance of the two worlds (Mid. Avkir).ויתרוצצו: על כרחך המקרא הזה אומר דורשני, שסתם מה היא רציצה זו וכתב אם כן למה זה אנכי. רבותינו דרשוהו לשון ריצה, כשהיתה עוברת על פתחי תורה של שם ועבר יעקב רץ ומפרכס לצאת, עוברת על פתחי עבודה זרה עשו מפרכס לצאת. דבר אחר מתרוצצים זה עם זה ומריבים בנחלת שני עולמות:


Here is an amusing Gra, in Kol Eliyahu. After citing the verse, he writes:

"There is to explain in the plane of remez, based on what is stated in the gemara in several places:
Shimon haAmsuni darshened every instance of the word את in the Torah. Once he reached the verse of את ה' אלקיך תירא he broke off [and rejected the methology], etc. Until Rabbi Akiva came and darshened את ה' אלקיך תירא to include Torah scholars.
And behold, Rashi za'l explains here in the name of the midrash upon ויתרוצצו הבנים בקרבה that when she passed the entryways of idolatry, Esav would kick to go out, and when she passed the entryways of Shem and Ever, Yaakov wished to go out. 


And behold, Rivkah was unaware that these were two fetuses, and she thought that it was a single fetus. If so, there was a place to ponder, chas veShalam, that there were two forces {in Heaven}, since here was a single fetus encompassing the two opposites. And therefore the thought, and she said, אם כן למה זה אנכי,  'If so, what is this אנכי', that is to say that which is written in the 10 Commandments, אנכי Hashem Your God, which was the opposite of what she was experiencing in this struggling [רציצה]. Therefore, she went לדרש את ה, that is to say, to darshen the pasuk of את ה' אלקיך תירא [in the manner Shimon HaAmsuni knew was false]. And {next pasuk} 'Hashem said to her, there are two nations in your womb', one who is a tzaddik and one who is a rasha. And it should not arise in your mind at all that there are, chas veShalaom, two forces."

Tuesday, October 04, 2011

Did the Gra predict 2012, or 1840?!

The Cosmic Clock?
Summary: Debunking the popular 'cosmic clock' theory, according to the Gra.

Post: A little while back -- I wrote most of this post back on June 14th -- some Jewish mystics were in line with Harold Camping's first (or rather, second) predicted apocalypse date of May 21, 2011. Thus:
According to the Gra, the Vilna Gaon, one of the ways he taught (or rather wrote down, it wasn’t really to be shared) to calculate the ketz on it being “before it’s time in it’s time” gives an “early” date of the 17th of Iyar, 5771 and a “late” date of Rosh Chodesh Av, 5771.
I've read that they really just said 'spring', and people then latched on to the strange Christian sect's date as the prediction spread like wildfire. What about Rosh Chodesh Av of 5771?

Well, the recent -- now fairly old -- post at Yeranen Yaakov makes it a bit clearer how this date came to be. Let me make absolutely clear at the outset that this is NOT yaak speaking. Rather, he is presenting the interpretations of Rabbi Yekusiel Fish.
We found in the Zohar (Va'et'hanan 270a):

   "אוֹי לָנוּ כִּי פָנָה הַיּוֹם כִּי יִנָּטוּ צִלְלֵי עָרֶב", יוֹם וְצֵל הוּא סוֹף גָּלוּתָא, וְשִׁיעוּרָא דְּהַאי צֵל שִׁית קְמָצִין וּפַלְגָּא.

Similar to this, we also found the Zohar (Vayikra 16a):

וְדָא בְּגָלוּתָא בַּתְרָאָה הוּא כְּהַאי אֶרֶז דְּאֶתְעַכֵּב לְסַלְּקָאָה, וּמִשַּׁעְתָּא דִּסְלִיק עַד דְּקָאִים בְּקִיּוּמֵיהּ הוּא יוֹמָא וְשִׁירוּתָא יוֹמָא אַחֲרִינָא עַד דְּעָבִיד צֵל בִּנְהוֹרָא דִּימָמָא.

The Gr"a explains there, "It means to say that 1000 years of the Galut and another half of the day until one half hour after Hatzot because then, the sun starts to set." And similarly explained the Matok Midevash, "שית קמצין ופלגא means 6½ hours on the 6th day, since then, it is recognizable that the shadow bent toward the West. And if we divide the sixth millennium into 24 hours, and multiply by 18.5, we get to the end of Tammuz, 5771, upon which the Zohar says in 2 places is the end of the exile.
And naturally, if the last date is the end of Tammuz, then it must come at the very, very latest, on the next day, Rosh Chodesh Av!

See the Zohar on Vayikra here -- the capital letters as explanatory interpolations into the text:

267. In the last exile, THE HOLY ONE, BLESSED BE HE, is like a cedar that is slow to FLOURISH AND grow. From the time it starts growing until it is mature - NAMELY, UNTIL REDEMPTION COMES - a day passes; NAMELY THE DAY OF THE HOLY ONE, BLESSED BE HE, WHICH IS A THOUSAND YEARS LONG. And the beginning of the second day, until it throws a shadow in the daylight - NAMELY, AFTER MIDDAY WHEN THE SUN BEGINS TO DECLINE - WHICH, IN THE DAY OF THE HOLY ONE, BLESSED BE HE, LASTS 500 YEARS. AFTER 1,500 YEARS, REDEMPTION WILL COME. And the cedar grows only when supplied with water, as it says, "Like cedar trees beside the waters" (Bemidbar 24:6) so "he grows like a cedar in Lebanon," whence, FROM LEBANON, WHICH IS CHOCHMAH, a source of water and a river - WHICH IS BINAH - issues to water THE CEDAR. The cedar is the Holy One, blessed be He, ZEIR ANPIN, WHICH RECEIVES THE WATER, as written, "Excellent as the cedars."

Note that in the presentation at Yerenen Yaakov, all that is attributed to the Gra is:
"It means to say that 1000 years of the Galut and another half of the day until one half hour after Hatzot because then, the sun starts to set."
The rest is from Matok Midvash, a different author, I think Rabbi Daniel Frisch. Though that is formed from a collection of earlier, well-known commentators.

The reason that it is important to note that is that part of this commentary is the part I will now bold and mark in red:
"שית קמצין ופלגא means 6½ hours on the 6th day, since then, it is recognizable that the shadow bent toward the West. And if we divide the sixth millennium into 24 hours, and multiply by 18.5, we get to the end of Tammuz, 5771, upon which the Zohar says in 2 places is the end of the exile.
The Gra never said it was speaking of the 6th millennium. This assumes a start date of the beginning of the millennium. But we are talking about the length of the exile. The Gra may very well assume a start date of the destruction of the second Bet Hamikdash. Indeed, he does, and I will try to prove this to you.

Let us perform the same calculations as above. 1000 years + [(1000/24) * 18.5] = 1770.833.

So, if we start at the beginning of the fifth millennium, 4000, then 4000 + 1770.833 = 5770.833. And add a year because we start with the year 1, not 0. Thus, we get to the appropriate date in Tammuz.

As to why we should start specifically in the fifth millennium, even though the Zohar is talking about the length of the entire exile, I am sure someone has a ready teretz.

However, we know that the Gra and his talmidim expected mashiach to arrive in 1840. They went to Eretz Yisrael. And there was a great churban in 1840 when mashiach did not arrive, with many people converting to Christianity.

1840 - 1770.833 = 69.166

Did anything happen in 69 or 70 CE? How about the destruction of Yerushalayim and the Bet HaMikdash? Does this strike you as a good candidate for the length of the exile? It certainly does to me.

So what it seems is that the Gra's calculation failed -- miserably, and with horrific results. But people are rescuing it and reinterpreting it, and attributing their recalculations to the Gra. And even if you say it was not a failure, per se, but rather an important step along the way, it should be fairly clear that this was the Gra's calculated ketz; if both interpretations (length of the galut vs. counting from a random millennium) were equally likely, it does not seem to be coincidence that using the Gra's calculated number of years, it brings us from the Churban directly to the most well-known ketz of the Gra. The metzius supports me.

Now, one can make a counterargument in favor of a millennial interpretation. For instance, yaak wrote me (in a private correspondence):
The six "days" correspond to the six thousand years.  It obviously starts from the beginning of the millennium as that's when the "day" starts - not at the Hurban.
I pointed out that it is not at all obvious. First, (a) because of the metzius that the Gra's talmidim believed in a 1840 ketz. But secondly, and more importantly, (b) nthe plain sense of the words of the Zohar, וּמִשַּׁעְתָּא דִּסְלִיק עַד דְּקָאִים בְּקִיּוּמֵיהּ -- from the time that it leaves, meaning the Churban; and this as a measure of וְדָא בְּגָלוּתָא בַּתְרָאָה הוּא כְּהַאי אֶרֶז דְּאֶתְעַכֵּב לְסַלְּקָאָה; and (c) that if it were just a certain number of years into the millennium, why mention the first thousand?! Either say five days plus shade, or say simply shade. The day of day + shade 'obviously' accounts for something, not just a random millennial start.

(d) Yes, one can posit that this is the start of the 'two millennia of mashiach'. But that is not what the Gra explicitly says:
וְרוֹצֶה לוֹמַר אֶלֶף שָׁנָה
שֶׁל הַגָּלוּת, וְעוֹד חֲצִי הַיּוֹם עַד חֲצִי
שָׁעָה אַחַר חֲצוֹת, שֶׁאָז מַתְחִיל
הַיּוֹם לְהַעֲרִיב.
Or, in English:
"It means to say that 1000 years of the Galut and another half of the day until one half hour after Hatzot because then, the sun starts to set."
Not 1000 years of the sixth millennium, but 1000 years of the Galut. It seems that he is counting from the Churban.

Now, despite this, the first-mentioned Zohar, in Vaeschanan, might be taken to imply that the calculation is from the beginning of the millenium, rather than the time of the Churban. It reads -- the capital letters as explanatory interpolations into the text (from the folks at the cultish Kabbalah Center):

188. Once a shadow started to form at the beginning of the other day AFTER THE FIFTH MILLENNIUM, as during the time when the Temple was destroyed when the shadow was about to be gathered, THAT IS, JUST LIKE DURING THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TEMPLE WAS WHEN THE SHADOW BEGAN TO BE GATHERED, SO WILL REDEMPTION COME WHEN THE SHADOW WILL BEGIN TO EMERGE. WHEN THERE WILL BE day and shadow, it will be the end of exile. The measure of that shadow is six thumbs long for the height of a man among men, NAMELY, AN AVERAGE PERSON. This secret is remembered among the friends through the verse, "for we are but of yesterday, and know nothing, because our days upon earth are a shadow" (Iyov 8:9). "for we are but of yesterday," namely in exile; "and know nothing, because our days upon earth are a shadow," which means the Holy One, blessed be He, wants the shadow and day to rest upon the earth.

Thus, ומדשארי צל למעבד בשירותא דיומא אחרא can be rendered as "once the shadow starts to form at the beginning of the last/other day", meaning that it is the last 'day' or millennium of the world's existence. 

But one is not at all compelled to render it in this manner. אחרא means 'latter'. They knew of two days. The first 'day', or thousand years, of exile since the Churban already passed. And now we are into the second 'day', or thousand years, of exile.

And indeed, the very next phrase is:
כמה בזמנה דאתחריב מקדשה הוה
Thus, the very continuation of the phrase brings in the destruction of the Bet Hamikdash.

________________________________

Now, 1840 has already passed. Doesn't that mean that this could NOT be the correct interpretation of the Zohar? Absolutely not. We see from the gemara that various Tannaim and Amoraim predicted the ketz, and they were wrong. Why should Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai, another Tannai, be any different? Not that he must be wrong, but he could be wrong. And further, this is not the only ketz prediction in the Zohar. There are actually a whole bunch of them, which have already passed. And if you want to say that something meaningful happened in 1840, since the Gra's talmidim began the process of modern settlement of Israel, and thus the beginning of the Geulah, you can say that. And you can also say the gemara in Sanhedrin 97b has already said:
Rav said: All the predestined dates [for redemption] have passed, and the matter [now] depends only on repentance and good deeds.
And the Lubavitcher Rebbe popularized this as well, adding that 
"For so many years have passed since all the predestined times have passed,"
If so, it is not the end of the world (pun intended) that this is one of the predestined times which have passed. We don't need to re-manufacture one of the predestined times which have already passed.

And if we do -- believing this is the correct meaning of the Zohar -- we should not falsely and erroneously attribute this view to the Vilna Gaon!

Monday, August 01, 2011

Two places named Chatzeros

Summary: Rav Chaim Kanievsky considers whether there were two places named Chatzeros, such that the one at the start of Devarim, in Ever Hayarden, is not the same as the one in the masaot, which is the one mentioned in Behaaloscha, where Miriam was punished with leprosy. I consider his words, and use it as a jumping off point. Plus, the Sifrei darshens a Samaritan text!

Post: In this post, I jump off from something on Devarim I saw in Rav Chaim Kanievsky's work on Tanach, Taama de-Kra. Just what is this sefer? As he writes on the title page,

והם חידושים וביאורים על התורה ועל נביאים וכתובים רובם בדרך
 פשוטו של מקרא ע״פ מאמרי חז"ל המפוזרים בש"ס ומדרשים וכמו
 שאחז״ל הובא בתוס׳ כריתות (דף י״ד) ד״ת עניים במקומם ועשירים
 במקום אחר. וקצתם ע"פ דרוש ורמז

"And they are novellae and explanations of the Torah, on Neviim and on Ketuvim, most of them operating on the level of peshat, based on the statements of Chazal which are scattered through Shas and midrashim. And as Chazal say, as brought in Tosafot in Krisus daf 14a, words of Torah are paupers in their place and wealthy in another place. And some of them on the level of drush and remez."

Thus, in general, this is a peshat commentary, based on statements of Chazal, often drawn from places other than midrashim directly located on the pasuk. We can see how this is so in the devar Torah that follows.

Parshas Dvarim begins:

1. These are the words which Moses spoke to all Israel on that side of the Jordan in the desert, in the plain opposite the Red Sea, between Paran and Tofel and Lavan and Hazeroth and Di Zahav.א. אֵלֶּה הַדְּבָרִים אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר מֹשֶׁה אֶל כָּל יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּעֵבֶר הַיַּרְדֵּן בַּמִּדְבָּר בָּעֲרָבָה מוֹל סוּף בֵּין פָּארָן וּבֵין תֹּפֶל וְלָבָן וַחֲצֵרֹת וְדִי זָהָב:
In Taama deKra, Rav Chaim Kanievsky writes:

"And Lavan and Chatzeros and Di Zahav: Chazal darshen this, see Rashi. But the peshat of the verse is that these were places that were called this. And so does Rabbi Yosi ben Dormaskis maintain in the Sifrei, that all of them are places.


And it is difficult, for here it is implied that Chatzeros is close to Ever haYarden, where Moshe was reviewing the Torah. Yet above in parashat Masei, Chatzeros is listed as close to the wilderness of Sinai. And so in parashas Behaaloscha, there is the Chatzeros in the incident with Miriam, and this was before the incident with the scouts. And if so, one is forced to say that there are two places called Chatzeros.


And there is to consider, for in parshas Behaaloscha, it is written {last pasuk of Bemidbar 11 or last pasuk of Bemidbar 12} 'and afterwards, the nation traveled from Chatzeros, and they were in Chatzeros.' And it is stated in the Sifrei, 'and were there two Chatzeroses, such that they traveled from this one and encamped in that one? Rather, they returned back to the way they came', see inside.


(The Gra is gores this here, and in the Sifrei, this is printed at the end of the parasha.) 


And it is difficult, for certainly there were two Chatzeroses, as mentioned above. And one is forced to say that the intent of 'and were there two Chatzeroses' is were there two close together to each other, such that they traveled from this one and encamped in that one? Meanwhile, there were many travelings between them. And this is obvious."

It is noteworthy that despite Rashi presenting this as the only explanation of the place names, that they were encoded references to sins, Rav Kanievsky still maintains that the unmentioned-by-Rashi simple explanation exists, that these are names of actual places.

This explanation is somewhat akin to that offered by Ibn Ezra:
בין פארן ובין תופל ולבן וחצרות ודי זהב -מקומות לא נזכרו בפרשה אלה מסעי, או נזכרו בשמות אחרים, כי הנה שניר יש לו ג' שמות ורבים כן.
"These are places not mentioned in parashat Eileh Masei, or else they are mentioned by other names, for Snir has three names, and there are many such."

Though here Rav Kanievsky seems to be saying that all these are more or less one place, in Ever Hayarden, rather than separate Masaot.

I have discussed this position of Rabbi Yossi ben Dormaskis in the past. (See here.) A quote of this position includes, in part:
"R Yosi ben Dormaskit said to him, 'Yehuda BeRabbi, why do you pervert to us the Scriptures? I call Heaven and Earth upon me as my witnesses that I reviewed all the places (original girsa: in the Torah and there is no place that is called - but this is placed in parentheses, and instead we have in brackets what makes more sense in context) and all of them are (actual) places, but rather they are called that because of actual happenstance (they recieved their place names because of some occurance there).
See my discussion there. It seems rather clear that this is machlokes, where Rabbi Yossi ben Dormaskis denies the validity of the derash entirely, because these are actual places. And presumably, Yehuda beRabbi would deny the 'peshat' of Rabbi Yossi ben Dormaskis, since the derasha is predicated on it not being a real place. To cite my translation of the Sifrei, and Yehuda beRabbi, again:
"We reviewed all of Scriptures and we found not a place whose name was Tofel and Lavan; rather, he (Moshe) rebuked them on the fact that they complained (tiflu) about the Manna that was white (lavan), as they said..."
In other words, only because we reviewed all of Scriptures and found no such place are we free to make such a derasha. Now, while Chazal may have only established this as a machlokes, later generations, with a different developed sense of Pardes and multiple planes of interpretation can establish them as true in parallel.

What could we say in answer to Rav Kanievsky's objection that this is in Ever Hayarden, while the other was clearly elsewhere? The answer Rav Kanievsky gives, that there were two places named Chatzeros, strikes me as quite plausible as peshat. But one could answer in another way. Namely, consider what Ibn Ezra wrote here:
יש אומרים:
כי טעם אחד עשר יום מחורב דרך הר שעיר, והנה הם הלכו במדבר ארבעים שנה, וזה פירוש ויהי בארבעים שנה. ואלה טעו, כי עד קדש ברנע באו בשנה השנית, רק ויהי בארבעים שנה דבק עם דבר משה.

והישר בעיני שפירושו אלה הדברים שהם דברי המצות הכתובים בפרשת ראה אנכי ושופטים וכי תצא והיה כי תבא, כבר אמר אותם כאשר היו במדבר, ויהיה דבר משה מושך עצמו ואחר עמו. וכן הוא: דבר משה במדבר בערבה מול סוף מיום שנסעו מסיני.

In other words, according to others, this entire speech was said at the end of the forty years, and that is the intent of the verse. But according to Ibn Ezra, the pasuk is describing an ongoing speech, beginning from the time they traveled from Sinai, and is not discussing the big speech, but the various mitzvos commanded through the Torah, as found in parashat Re'eh, Shofeftim, Ki Seitzei, and Ki Savo. If so, Chatzeros, as one of the previously known encampments, can be the place that some of those mitzvos were said. And if so, one need not say that there were two places in the Midbar called Chatzeiros.

(Still, I would side more with the idea that all these places are describing a single place near Ever HaYarden, and we are triangulating by saying all the places it was near.)

Perhaps one could also reorder the incident with Miriam, and say that chronologically it happened later? I doubt it, given the order Chatzeros is placed in Masei, which is fairly early. Perhaps one could design a more circuitous route through the midbar, in which they eventually return to Chatzeros? This would require greater investigation.

In terms of the pasuk Rav Kanievsky cites from Behaalosecha, it is pretty compelling evidence that there were two places called Chatzeros:
וְאַחַר נָסְעוּ הָעָם מֵחֲצֵרוֹת וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת
"Then the people departed from Hazeroth, and they were in Hazeroth."

The Sifrei, then, grapples with a compelling peshat question. And the resolution could be that indeed there were two adjoining places called Chatzeiros. Or, it could be that they just turned around. Given the unlikelihood of two adjoining places with the same name, this Sifrei sounds like peshat.

The only problem is that this pasuk does not actually exist. It is a hybrid, created of two separate pesukim in Behaaloscha. The first is the very last pasuk of perek 12:
16. Then the people departed from Hazeroth, and they camped in the desert of Paran.טז. וְאַחַר נָסְעוּ הָעָם מֵחֲצֵרוֹת וַיַּחֲנוּ בְּמִדְבַּר פָּארָן:
and the second is the very last pasuk of perek 11:

35. From Kivroth Hata'avah the people traveled to Hazeroth, and they stayed in Hazeroth.לה. מִקִּבְרוֹת הַתַּאֲוָה נָסְעוּ הָעָם חֲצֵרוֹת וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת:
One can see how the merged pasuk was formed. But if I had to guess which authentic pasuk in Behaaloscha the Sifrei is operating on, I would say that it has to be 11:35. After all, 12:16 has no arrival in Chatzeros. But 11:36 has and נָסְעוּ הָעָם חֲצֵרוֹת separate from that וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת.

This is certainly not Rav Kanievsky's fault. He did not invent this pasuk. Rather, he is citing it as it appears in the Sifrei. (Though presumably he did not look it up to confirm the midrash's quote was correct.)

We see that there are girsological issues with this midrash. As Rav Kanievsky noted, the Gra is gores the midrash 'here', meaning at the end of perek 11, while the printers put it at the end of the parsha, which is the end of perek 12. This corresponds precisely with the divergent makeup of the hybrid non-pasuk. Who is right? I will try to demonstrate that the Gra is right in placement, though there is something deeper that he missses.

As it appears at the end of the parsha, the Sifrei reads:

This is a direct quote of the last pasuk of perek 12. But the question, "and are there two Chatzeroses, that they traveled from this and encamped in this?" does not work, because the pasuk continues, 'and they encamped in the wilderness of Paran'. They can get away with this by simply not quoting the end of the pasuk. But it is clearly all wrong. And thus the parentheses, to indicate that this is not the proper place for the midrash. And the Vilna Gaon tells us that this midrash does not belong here.

As it appears earlier -- don't read this, but just note the placement of note zayin:

Note zayin brings us to the Hahahos HaGra:

This is pasuk 11:35, נָסְעוּ הָעָם חֲצֵרוֹת וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת. However, as he cites the midrash citing the pasuk, there is a mem, making it מֵחֲצֵרוֹת rather than חֲצֵרוֹת. Note also the lack of the word וְאַחַר, as it appears once the midrash was moved.

What now? We know the true place of the midrash, and the true pasuk of the midrash. But does the midrash work? The pasuk, again, is:


35. From Kivroth Hata'avah the people traveled to Hazeroth, and they stayed in Hazeroth.לה. מִקִּבְרוֹת הַתַּאֲוָה נָסְעוּ הָעָם חֲצֵרוֹת וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת:

It is clear, on a peshat level, that they went to Chatzeros, not from ChatzerosWhat, then, is the basis of the question about two places called Chatzeros?

Well, we might have expected a leading le or el, or a terminal ah to indicate that Chatzeros was the destination. Further, if נָסְעוּ הָעָם חֲצֵרוֹת means they arrived in Chatzeros, isn't וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת obvious and duplicative? I can come up with answers on a peshat level. 


(For instance, taking my cue from Ramban on "ואחות לוטן תמנע" and assert that we should draw the pasuk division two words earlier, and place וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת as the beginning of the next pasuk, וַתְּדַבֵּר מִרְיָם וְאַהֲרֹן בְּמֹשֶׁה עַל אֹדוֹת הָאִשָּׁה הַכֻּשִׁית אֲשֶׁר לָקָח כִּי אִשָּׁה כֻשִׁית לָקָח: Indeed, I would even suggest that that might be the import of the midrash above in Sifrei, juxtaposed to the midrash under discussion, which apparently the Gra removes as well: נסעו העם חצרות (הרי  זו היתה בשעה שנצטרעה מרים..)ש . This would seem rather obvious, given the juxtaposition. But this midrash could be giving the alternative explanation of , even without redrawing the pasuk boundaries.)

But it gets much better. If we look at the Samaritan Torah in Vetus Testamentum, we see a difference from our Masoretic Text:

The text on the left represents the Samaritan change from the Masoretic text on the right. So they add the leading heh, perhaps to grapple with the missing lamed or closing heh which would indicate explicitly that Chatzeros is the destination. (Alternatively, some scribe was confusing by the full patach under the bet in baChatzeros, not realizing that it was a bleed from the chataf patach under the ches. Indeed, we see in the variant texts be-ha-Chatzeros, indicating that that is how some viewed it.) But that is not the only Samaritan variant on this word חֲצֵרוֹת. In the notes indicating variant Samaritan texts, they have:

I will take pains to stress the significance of this discovery. There is a Samaritan Torah text that directly matches the text of the pasuk as interpreted in the Sifrei. If there is a leading mem to Chatzeros, then we have

נָסְעוּ הָעָם מֵחֲצֵרוֹת וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת

And it is this text that causes problems for the midrashic author, and what he strives to resolve. (With this text, we can still place the incident with Miriam getting leprosy here, in accordance with the other midrash and the simple peshat, by saying that  וַיִּהְיוּ בַּחֲצֵרוֹת means that it was while they were still in Chatzeros.)

This is not the only time we see Chazal darshening a non-Masoretic text, as found in Samaritan texts. I've covered quite a few examples of this in the past. For one instance, see here. This does not mean that the non-Masoretic text is correct. It could readily be the case that some vulgar text was in the sefer Torah of these particular member of Chazal, and they did not check to confirm it against the corrected sifrei Torah of, e.g., Rabbi Meir. So determining the correct masoretic text is beside the point of this post. (For reasons I won't get into, our Masoretic text on this pasuk is clearly preferable.)

Returning back to Rav Kanievsky's discussion of the Sifrei, I agree that another place named Chatzeros was not their concern. Not that one is forced to say that there was another place called Chatzeros, which was far away, but that if one says that, this does not impact the midrash, which is clearly concerned with two Chatzeroses which are rather close together.

Tuesday, February 22, 2011

Five times penalty for the golden calf

Summary: An interesting explanation of a midrash, and of a pasuk in Ki Tisa, according to the Gra. Are there other ways of explaining this midrash pliah?

Post: I noticed the following interesting post at Revach, summarizing an explanation found in Kol Eliyahu, from the Vilna Gaon:
Parshas Ki Sisa: Vilna Gaon - Three Thousand Killed For The Ox
"Vayapel Min HaAm Bayom Hahu Kishloshes Alfei Ish" (Ki Sisa 32:28). Three thousand people were killed in reprisal for the Chait HaEigel. The Medrash says that this is what the pasuk means that you pay five cattle for each ox (Mishpatim 21:37). What is this Medrash pliah talking about?
The Vilna Gaon answers with a pasuk in Koheles (7:28) that says, "Ish Echad MeiElef Matzasi V'Isha Bichol Eileh Lo Matzasi", I found one man out of a thousand but but among these not even a single woman. The Medrash says that this refers to Chait HaEigel (where they said "Eileh Elohecha Yisroel") where one out of every thousand men sinned but not even a single woman.
One out of a thousand means that only 600 men sinned. If so asks the Medrash why did three thousand die? "Chamisha Bakar Yishalem Tachas HaShor", the halacha is that if you steal and slaughter or sell a cow you pay five times. Therefore for the Chait of the Eigel or calf Hashem collected five time which is three thousand.
This is a very creative and neat way of solving the difficulty presented by this midrash. I would note that according to Anaf Yosef, this explanation was put forth in Rishfei Eish. I haven't looked it up and don't know if the author of this particular Rishfei Eish is contemporary.

Is there any other way to explain this midrash? I would say yes. Whether this alternative explanation is as satisfying is a subjective matter. The Midrash Rabba in question, on parashat Mishpatim, reads as follows (also here):
ר' יהודה אומר:
אמרו ישראל להקב"ה: הרבה דיני מצות יש כאן, כי יגנוב איש שור או שהלפי ששור גנבנו ועשינו עגל לפיכך ה' בקר שלמנו תחתיו שמתו תחתיו אבותינו במדבר.
וד' צאן תחת השה, ד' מלכיות שמלכו בנו ושגנבנו ליוסף, עשינו ד' מאות שנה משועבדים במצרים. 
"Rabbi Yehuda said: Israel said to Hashem: There are many laws of commandments here: 'When a man steals an ox or a sheep' -- because we stole an ox and made a calf, therefore five oxen we paid in its place, that our ancestors died for it in the wilderness. 'And four sheep in place of the sheep' -- four kingdoms who ruled over us; and that we stole Yosef, we were made to serve four hundred years in servitude in Egypt."

This is indeed a somewhat confusing midrash. What ox was stolen? Matnas Kehunah explains this as a reference to Yosef, who is elsewhere compared to an ox. But this would mess up the parallel. Unless both the eigel and the stealing of Yosef are shor for this part, and the same sin reappears in the second part regarding the seh. It seems more likely like Etz Yosef that this is that they "stole" the ox (/bovine) by improperly making the eigel.

Even so, why should the sale of Yosef be referred to as the seh? I would suggest that perhaps this is because a goat was slaughtered to cover up the crime.

Note that the midrash does not specify a number here. The Gra brought in that number of people killed, 3000, from Ki Tisa, but the Midrash does not make reference to a specific number. All the midrash states is ה' בקר שלמנו תחתיו שמתו תחתיו אבותינו במדבר. If it had brought in that number, and the pasuk in Ki Tisa, then it certainly would have been a midrash pliah, since we would more certainly have been expected to perform some calculation to make this work out.

I'll add another difficulty with the Gra's answer. Yes, the Bnei Levi killed 3000. But the Torah tells us in the very same perek that Moshe gave the Bnei Yisrael to drink, of the ground-up golden calf. And when Moshe appeals to Hashem not to wipe out all of Klal Yisrael, which happened after the 3000 were killed, Hashem says that he will punish only those who were guilty. And the last pasuk of the perek tells us of a mageifa Hashem brought upon the Bnei Yisrael, which seems to have killed them. To cite the Ramban:
(לה): ויגוף ה' את העם - לא ספר הכתוב כמה היו המתים במגפה, כאשר ספר הנהרגים ביד בני לוי, וכאשר פירש במגפה של דבר קרח (במדבר יז יד), ושל בעל פעור (שם כה ט). אולי לא מתו במגפה אחת, אבל נגפם ה' למות בלא עתם, כעניין שכתוב כי אם ה' יגפנו או יומו יבא (ש"א כו י). ואולי לא חשש למנותם, כי כן לא מנה המתים בתבערה (במדבר יא א): ובקברות התאווה, שנאמר (שם יא לג): ויך ה' בעם מכה רבה מאד. אבל הנופלים על יד בני לוי פרט לכבודם, לומר שהרגו רבים בעם ולא פחדו מהם כי על ה' בטחו:

ואמר על אשר עשו את העגל - שלא היו מן המשתחווים לו והזובחים לו, אבל היו מן העושים אותו, כלומר מן הנקהלים על אהרן והמביאים לו הזהב. ובעבור שאמר שנענשו על מעשה העגל, לא על עבודתו, והם לא עשאוהו, פירש אשר עשה להם אהרן במצותם. 

Thus, there would appear to be many more than just the 3000 who were struck down. If so, the Gra's neat explanation based on the midrash of 1 of 1000 referring to the chet ha'egel, and thus 600 sinned and five times, meaning 3000, perished, does not work out quite so neatly.

An answer which is not as satisfying as that of the Gra, and does not work out so (apparently) neatly, is that the midrash here is not attempting to give a precise number in the tachas hashor segment, because no number works out. For while four appears prominently in the four kingdoms and the four hundred years in Egypt, the precise number of slain in the aftermath of the eigel is 3000, not 5000. And if we are counting the ones slain in the mageifa, then we don't know the precise number.

Rather, at this stage, it is simply denoting strong, almost overwhelming punishment. For this one sin, so many people died! This is a chamisha yeshalem tachas hashor moment.

I'll suggest another, related explanation. When the midrash states לפיכך ה' בקר שלמנו תחתיו שמתו תחתיו אבותינו במדבר, it is not talking about just the 3000, or just the 3000 + the unknown extra. Rather, it is talking about all the Israelites in the desert at that time. I am suggesting this based on what we know from elsewhere about Chazal's interpretation of these pesukim.

Hashem's initial reaction to the Sin of the Golden Calf was:

10. Now leave Me alone, and My anger will be kindled against them so that I will annihilate them, and I will make you into a great nation."י. וְעַתָּה הַנִּיחָה לִּי וְיִחַר אַפִּי בָהֶם וַאֲכַלֵּם וְאֶעֱשֶׂה אוֹתְךָ לְגוֹי גָּדוֹל:


Moshe pled on their behalf. Eventually, Moshe says:

32. And now, if You forgive their sin But if not, erase me now from Your book, which You have written."לב. וְעַתָּה אִם תִּשָּׂא חַטָּאתָם וְאִם אַיִן מְחֵנִי נָא מִסִּפְרְךָ אֲשֶׁר כָּתָבְתָּ:


and Hashem responds:

33. And the Lord said to Moses: "Whoever has sinned against Me, him I will erase from My book!"לג. וַיֹּאמֶר יְ־הֹוָ־ה אֶל מֹשֶׁה מִי אֲשֶׁר חָטָא לִי אֶמְחֶנּוּ מִסִּפְרִי:
34. And now go, lead the people to [the place] of which I have spoken to you. Behold My angel will go before you. But on the day I make an accounting [of sins upon them], I will bring their sin to account against them."לד. וְעַתָּה לֵךְ נְחֵה אֶת הָעָם אֶל אֲשֶׁר דִּבַּרְתִּי לָךְ הִנֵּה מַלְאָכִי יֵלֵךְ לְפָנֶיךָ וּבְיוֹם פָּקְדִי וּפָקַדְתִּי עֲלֵיהֶם חַטָּאתָם:


As Rashi comments on pasuk לד:

וביום פקדי וגו': עתה שמעתי אליך מלכלותם יחד, ותמיד תמיד כשאפקוד עליהם עונותיהם ופקדתי עליהם מעט מן העון הזה עם שאר העונות, ואין פורענות באה על ישראל שאין בה קצת מפרעון עון העגל:


Thus, every subsequent punishment of Israel has in it some aspect of punishment for the chet ha'egel. This would then include the punishment for the sin of the spies (and Bnei Yisrael weeping at the report), for which they were punished by that entire generation perishing in the wilderness.

Alternatively, we can say that this was what Hashem had in mind by  וּבְיוֹם פָּקְדִי וּפָקַדְתִּי עֲלֵיהֶם חַטָּאתָם, that he would not forget this and eventually they would be punished with this rather severe punishment.

This would work well with the words of the midrash, which states just לפיכך ה' בקר שלמנו תחתיו שמתו תחתיו אבותינו במדבר. And it would work out with the other all-encompassing punishments. The servitude in Egypt was national in scope, and far-reaching past the initial incident, as is the subjugation under the four kingdoms. This as opposed to a rather tiny percentage of klal Yisrael at the time, and in immediate punishment for what they themselves had committed.

By the way, this is not the only place where the "five in place of the shor" is discussed in Shemot Rabba in reference to the eigel hazahav. See also this parshablog post. In that other midrash, they most certainly did focus on the precise number.

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